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DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 SOCIOLOGY & EMPIRE From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 POLITICS, HISTORY, AND CULTURE A series from the International Institute at the University of Michigan SERIES EDITORS George Steinmetz and Julia Adams Fernando Coronil Mamadou Diouf Michael Dutton Geof Eley Fatma Müge Göcek SERIES EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Nancy Rose Hunt Julie Skurski Andreas Kalyvas Margaret Somers Webb Keane Ann Laura Stoler David Laitin Katherine Verdery Lydia Liu Elizabeth Wingrove Sponsored by the International Institute at the University of Michigan and published by Duke University Press, this series is centered around cultural and historical studies of power, politics, and the state—a ield that cuts across the disciplines of history, sociology, anthropology, political science, and cultural studies. he focus on the relationship between state and culture refers both to a methodological approach—the study of politics and the state using culturalist methods—and a substantive one that treats signifying practices as an essential dimension of politics. he dialectic of politics, culture, and history igures prominently in all the books selected for the series. From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 SOCIOLOGY & EMPIRE he Imperial Entanglements of a Discipline edited by george steinmetz Duke University Press · Durham and London · 2013 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 © 2013 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper ∞ Designed by Courtney Baker. Typeset in 10.8/14 Arno Pro by Westchester Publishing Ser vices. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sociology and empire : the imperial entanglements of a discipline / George Steinmetz, ed. pages cm — (Politics, history, and culture) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978- 0-8223-5258- 7 (cloth : alk. paper) — isbn 978- 0-8223-5279-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Imperialism. 2. Sociology. I. Steinmetz, George, 1957– II. Series: Politics, history, and culture. jc359.S693 2013 306.2—dc23 2013005287 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Contents Preface ix One · Major Contributions to Sociological heory and Research on Empire, 1830s–Present george steinmetz 1 part i NATIONAL SOCIOLOGICAL FIELDS & THE STUDY OF EMPIRE Two · Russian Sociology in Imperial Context alexander semyonov, marina mogilner, and ilya gerasimov 53 hree · Sociology’s Imperial Unconscious he Emergence of American Sociology in the Context of Empire julian go 83 Four · Empire for the Poor Imperial Dreams and the Quest for an Italian Sociology, 1870s–1950s marco santoro 106 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Five · German Sociology and Empire From Internal Colonization to Overseas Colonization and Back Again andrew zimmerman 166 Six · he Durkheimian School and Colonialism Exploring the Constitutive Paradox fuyuki kurasawa 188 part ii CURRENT SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF EMPIRE Seven · he Recent Intensiication of American Economic and Military Imperialism Are hey Connected? michael mann 213 Eight · he Empire’s New Laws Terrorism and the New Security Empire ater 9/11 kim lane scheppele 245 Nine · Empires and Nations Convergence or Divergence? krishan kumar 279 Ten · he New Surgical Colonialism China, Africa, and Oil albert j. bergesen 300 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 part iii HISTORICAL STUDIES OF COLONIALISM & EMPIRE Eleven · Nation and Empire in the French Context emmanuelle saada 321 Twelve · Empire and Developmentalism in Colonial India chandan gowda 340 hirteen · Building the Cities of Empire Urban Planning in the Colonial Cities of Italy’s Fascist Empire besnik pula 366 Fourteen · Japanese Colonial Structure in Korea in Comparative Perspective ou-byung chae 396 Fiteen · Native Policy and Colonial State Formation in Pondicherry (India) and Vietnam Recasting Ethnic Relations, 1870s–1920s anne raffin 415 Sixteen · he Constitution of State/Space and the Limits of “Autonomy” in South Africa and Palestine/Israel andy clarno 436 Seventeen · Resistance and the Contradictory Rationalities of State Formation in British Malaya and the American Philippines daniel p. s. goh 465 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Conclusion Understanding Empire raewyn connell 489 Bibliography 499 List of Contributors 575 Index 581 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Preface he idea for this collection began to emerge during the 1990s, when I started working on the connections between ethnographic discourse and German colonial policy. At that time, colonialism and empires were central topics of discussion in the weekly workshop I ran with David Laitin at the University of Chicago and in the book series David and I edited together.1 One notable feature of that workshop and book series, however, was that almost none of the scholars working on imperial topics came from sociology. I started to supervise sociology PhD dissertations on imperial topics during the early 1990s, but most of the theoretical and empirical references in these theses came from anthropology and history, and to a lesser extent from political science, geography, literary criticism, and cultural studies. It seemed that there was almost no disciplinary memory of earlier sociolog ical work on imperial themes. Scholars of colonialism who had described themselves as sociologists—including Richard hurnwald, René Maunier, Jacques Berque, Georges Balandier, Albert Memmi, Roger Bastide, St. Clair Drake, Peter Worsley, and Clyde Mitchell—had been written out of the ield or recategorized as anthropologists or area specialists. 2 here was little awareness in sociology, outside a few specialized departments, of colonial research by people who had always been identiied with sociology, such as E. A. Ross, Albert G. Keller, Robert Michels, E. Franklin Frazier, Pierre Bourdieu, or Anouar Abdel-Malek (who edited Sociology of Imperialism; Abdel-Malek 1971). Immanuel Wallerstein was known for world-system theory but not for his earlier work on colonial Africa. 3 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 As the essays in this volume suggest, however, the period from the mid1970s to the mid-1990s was an anomalous one in the history of academic sociology in terms of the relative lack of interest in colonialism and empires. here were several reasons for the disappearance of imperial studies within sociology in the 1970s. he i rst was the collapse of European colonialism and its replacement by less overt techniques of American imperial inluence. Second, postwar sociology had rejected its own disciplinary legacies of historical sociology and marginalized the émigré German sociologists who tried to instill into U.S. sociology elements of the rich historicism that had lourished in Weimar Germany (Steinmetz 2010c). If sociology was a science of the present, and if empires belonged to the dustbin of history, there was no longer any reason to study empires or colonies. A third reason for this turning away from empire was postwar sociology’s entrenched methodological nationalism (criticized by Martins 1974). he U.S. nationstate became a naturalized unit of analysis, understood as a container of social processes. Sociologists fell back on studies of domestic phenomena occurring inside that national container.4 Since the 1990s, an explicit critique of methodological nationalism has become more prevalent in the social sciences (Taylor 1994, 1996), including sociology (Beck 2006). A fourth factor was the emergence of historical sociology out of its defensive crouch vis-à-vis the rest of the sociolog ical discipline. Once historical sociologists no longer felt compelled to legitimate themselves in pseudo-scientiic ways, they were free to stop proving they were sociologists by ignoring work on imperial history being done by historians. Imperial political formations reentered the general social scientiic ield of vision in this same period. Two milestones were the translation of Carl Schmitt’s Nomos of the Earth (Schmitt 2003) and the discussion of Empire (Hardt and Negri 2000). I discovered more fruitful conditions for colonial and imperial studies in sociology once I moved to the University of Michigan at the end of the 1990s. Michigan has long been a hotbed of research on colonialism, postcolonialism, and empire across the social sciences and the humanities. More unusual at Michigan is the emphasis on colonial and imperial history inside the Sociology Department itself.5 he long-serving chair of the Michigan Sociology Department, Robert Cooley Angell, had argued in 1962 that sociology had reached its highest stage of development due to the “throwing of of colonialism in the 1950s” and the resulting “great interest in the underdeveloped world.”6 As a result of Angell’s hiring eforts7 and those of some of his successors, Michigan has long been one of the few U.S. sociology departments i lled with “area” specialists in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Europe, some x · Preface From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 of them trained in anthropology or history.8 Michigan was also the center of the new historical sociology that took of in the 1970s, starting with the recruitment of Charles Tilly in 1968. Tilly discussed empires and their decline and the speciic dilemmas of postcolonial states, and endorsed an explicitly “historicist” epistemology (Steinmetz 2010a; Tilly 1975, 1990, 1997a). Nonetheless, even at Michigan there seemed to be little awareness of earlier sociological contributions to the study of empire and colonized cultures, some of them historically associated with the Michigan department itself. In light of the sociology’s disciplinary amnesia about its own engagement with colonialism and empire, one of my aims in putting together the present volume has been to recover earlier sociolog ical work in this area. Sociology can never aspire to be a cumulative science in which earlier work can be safely discarded.9 Ongoing social research always remains connected to its own past in ways that distinguish the human sciences from the natural sciences. he much vaunted relexivity of social science requires historical selfanalysis. Intellectual history or the historical sociology of social science is an integral part of all social science.10 he task of reconstructing earlier sociolog ical discussions is urgent in light of mounting critiques of the latent and manifest colonial assumptions and imperial ideologies informing current sociolog ical theory and research (Bhambra 2007; Connell 2007; Steinmetz 2006a). here is an urgent need not only for research and theoretical work on empires but also for critical relection on the ways sociology has been shaped by empire. Pierre Bourdieu once argued that a “social science of ‘colonial’ ‘science’ [was] one of the preconditions for a genuine decolonization of . . . social science” (1993b: 50), but he was never able to carry out this project himself. André Adam explored “the condition of sociology in the colonial situation” but limited his attention to sociologists studying colonial Morocco (Adam 1968: 18). he current discussion was inaugurated in the English-speaking world by a 1997 American Journal of Sociology article by Raewyn Connell (see also the conclusion of the present volume). A related intervention began more than a half decade ago with a lurry of books and articles by C. Wright Mills. Mills discerned the emergence of a new and distinctive form of American imperialism in the 1940s and 1950s, and he connected this new imperial formation to an intensiied threat to the autonomy of social scientists and intellectuals in general. For Mills, scientiic autonomy was the precondition for any public engagement by the sociologist (Mills 1959b: 106). Bourdieu’s subsequent arguments for scientiic autonomy as the basis for responsible public interventions by social scientists Preface · xi From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 are phrased in almost identical terms.11 Mills’s Sociological Imagination contained a scathing critique of the forms of narrow-gauge policy research he called “abstracted empiricism.” he problem with this style of sociology, according to Mills, was not just its specialization but its dependence on the goals, interests, and directives of the “power elite”—governments, corporations, and the military. Mills insisted that “if social science is not autonomous, it cannot be a publicly responsible enterprise” (106). In 1948 Mills had already called in the pages of the American Sociological Review for the creation of “a third camp of science” (1948: 272), and he pointed to the growing entwinement of policy-oriented social science with U.S. imperialism. In he Sociological Imagination, Mills associated the positivist demand for prediction and control with the aims of military powers. Mills argued that “diferent theories” of imperialism were needed “for diferent periods” (1958: 72). Mills had already suggested in Character and Social Structure, which he and Hans Gerth had drated during World War II, that the United States had become a new kind of empire, one that “expand[s] its military area of control by establishing naval and air bases abroad without assuming overt political responsibility” for the direct governance of foreign political bodies, in contrast to European colonialism (Gerth and Mills 1953: 205). h is new form of American empire was connected, for Mills, to baleful efects on American intellectuals. On the one hand, the emergence of what he called the American “supersociety” entailed an enormous increase in decisionistic power within international policymaking and capitalist production—an “enlargement and centralization of the means of history-making” (Mills 1958: 30, 115–116). Correspondingly, the potential power of the intellectual had also increased markedly. Intellectuals therefore had a central role to play in resisting “war thinking” (137). At the same time, many social scientists were now “experts” and were only as free as their masters allowed them to be, as Mills suggested in an article that attacked what he called “crackpot realism.” h is article was accompanied by an illustration (next page) showing an expert (at let) advising the political and military sectors of the power elite on matters geopolitical. Mills’s initial response to the power elite’s tightening grip on science was to argue that the intellectuals’ “i rst job today is to be consistently and altogether unconstructive” (1958: 157). At a more “constructive” level, however, autonomous intellectuals could attempt to reclaim the “expropriated” means of cultural production and constitute themselves as an independent and oppositional group (Mills 1944; 1958: 160–161). An important basis for this collective project would be the university, which Mills hoped could become a “world intelligence center for the people,” a “permanent third camp xii · Preface From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Image from C. Wright Mills, “Crackpot Realism” (1959a). in world afairs rather than . . . a cradle from which retinues of experts are drawn at will by statesmen” (1948: 272). Today we are confronting two crises that are oten experienced as separate but that are actually interwoven: “the crisis of the universities” and “the crisis of empire.” In the United States, military sources made up the largest share of social science funding from World War II until well into the 1960s, and this important source of research support never disappeared. Since 2001, funding for social scientiic counterinsurgency and military research expanded along with jobs in these areas, while university jobs disappeared. hese trends pose a severe threat to sociologists’ hard-won scientiic autonomy.12 In the United States, as in Britain and elsewhere, there is increasing pressure “to make academic research serve political ends” (Guttenplan 2011). he most extreme example of this has been the involvement of anthropologists and sociologists in the Human Terrain Project and as “embedded” advisers with American troops in Afghanistan (Cohen 2007; Der Derian 2010; Kelly 2010; Mulrine 2007; Price 2011). he goals of the Defense Department’s Minerva Project, which is remarkably similar to the 1960s Project Camelot (Wax 1979), include i nding techniques to “support more efective, more culturally sensitive interactions between the US military and Islamic populations.”13 he problems that motivated C. Wright Mills a half century ago are still, or once again, our own. NOTES 1. See the essays in Steinmetz (1999) for a summing up of the work of this series. My turn to colonialism in the early 1990s was inspired by the work of David Laitin and other University of Chicago colleagues, especially Jean and John Comarof, Prasenjit Duara, Andrew Apter, Ralph Austen, Barney Cohn, and my i rst PhD student, Suk-Jun Han, now vice president of Dong-A University in Korea (see Han Preface · xiii From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 1995). I discussed German colonial welfare policy briely in Steinmetz (1993) and gave my i rst presentation on German colonial culture that year at the Smart Museum of Art, in the series “Kultur/Kommerz/Kommunikation: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Germany and Austria, 1890–1945.” 2. hurnwald was a professor of sociology, ethnology, and ethnic psychology (Völkerpsychologie) at Berlin University and founded the journal Sociologus (called Zeitschrit für Völkerpsychologie und Soziologie until 1932). Maunier was a student of Mauss and author of Sociology of Colonies (Maunier 1932, 1949). Balandier insisted on his identity as a sociologist during the i rst two decades of his career, when he carried out his important work in French West Africa (Steinmetz 2010a). Bastide held the sociology chair at the University of São Paulo for sixteen years, starting in 1938, and edited the Année Sociologique from 1962 to 1974 (De Quieroz 1975). Berque dei ned himself as a sociologist throughout his entire academic career, as did Memmi. St. Clair Drake’s doctorate was in anthropology (Drake 1954), but he had coauthored the famous study of Chicago, Black Metropolis, with a fellow graduate student in sociology (Drake and Cayton 1945) and was a sociology professor at Roosevelt University in Chicago from 1946 until 1973 and head of the sociology department at the University College of Ghana between 1958 and 1961. Drake’s PhD dissertation was on race relations in the British Isles, and some of his later work focused on colonial and postcolonial West Africa (e.g., Drake 1956, 1960). Mitchell (born 1918), was trained in sociology and social anthropology in South Africa, was an assistant anthropologist, senior sociologist, and director of the Rhodes-Livingston Institute in Northern Rhodesia, taught African studies and sociology at the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (1957–1965), was professor of urban sociology at the University of Manchester (1966–1973), and inally became sociology professor and oicial fellow of Nuield College, Oxford, in 1973 (Oxford University, Rhodes House, MSS. Afr. s. 1825 [80A], “Personal Data”). Peter Worsley (born 1924) earned his doctorate in social anthropology from Australian National University in 1954 but went on to become the i rst lecturer in sociology chair at Hull University (1956) and the i rst professor of sociology at the University of Manchester (1964–1982) (Peter Maurice Worsley curriculum vitae, in author’s possession). Anouar Abdel-Malek has a doctorat de sociologie from the Sorbonne; see Gale Research, Contemporary Authors (Detroit: Gale Research Co.), online. Accessed 1/13/2013. 3. Although the early work by Bourdieu and Wallerstein on colonialism has gained more recognition in recent years, Frazier’s interest in colonialism, which emerged while he served as chief of the Division of Applied Social Sciences of unesco (1951–1953), is still less familiar; see Frazier (1955). 4. It would be a simpliication to attribute the widespread acceptance of methodological nationalism entirely to processes occurring outside the ivory tower during the Cold War. he geopolitics of informal empire ater 1945 could also have encouraged an international or transnational sociolog ical epistemology. Historical changes are rarely expressed directly in social scientiic doxa, as can be seen in the continuing interest of German and Italian sociologists in colonialism long ater their respecxiv · Preface From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 tive colonial empires had disappeared—that is, at er 1918 and 1945, respectively (Steinmetz 2009a, 2009b; see also chapter 4). 5. See especially Adams (1994), Chae (2006), Clarno (2008, 2009), Decoteau (2008), Göcek (1987, 2011), Goh (2005), Gowda (2007), Hall and Rose (2006), Paige (1975), and Pula (2008). 6. Angell, notes on seminar “What Does History Ofer Sociology” (ca. 1962), in Robert Cooley Angell papers, Bentley Library, University of Michigan, folder “Outlines of Talks.” 7. Especially important was the hiring in sociology of Horace Miner, an anthropologist who had retrained himself during World War II as a specialist in North Africa (Miner 1953, 1960, 1965). Angell also hired David F. Aberle, an anthropologist who studied Hopi, Navaho, and Ute culture. By (re)introducing the study of the internally colonized American Indians into U.S. sociology, Aberle’s hire broke with the notorious academic division of labor according to which anthropology is assigned to the “savage slot” (Trouillot 1991). 8. As the essays in this book demonstrate, Trouillot’s (1991) analysis does not fully capture the division of ontological labor between sociology and anthropology, which was variable across period and geographic setting. Sociologists studied colonized cultures from the beginning of the academic discipline, and this included the internally colonized Native American. During its early decades the American Journal of Sociology carried articles on American Indians by Ohio State sociologist Fayette Avery McKenzie, founder of the Society of American Indians (McKenzie 1911) and by Kansas sociologist Frank Wilson Blackmar (1929). Native Americans are discussed in Durkheim ([1912] 1995) and Durkheim and Mauss (1969a). Important sociolog ical studies of American Indians since the 1960s include Champagne (2006), Cornell (1988), Garroutte (2001, 2003, 2008), Nagel (2006), Pollock (1984), Snipp (1985, 1986, 1992), Wax (1971), and Wax and Buchanan (1975). 9. One of the most fruitful recent examples of redeploying earlier sociolog ical theory was Michael Mann’s (1986) return to Gumplowicz and Oppenheimer (discussed in chapter 1), who theorized the military sources of state expansion and empire formation. 10. All cultural producers need to familiarize themselves with the historical genesis and development of the ields in which they are active in order to understand the illusio to which they themselves are subject. hey need to have a sense of the existing forms of autonomous and heteronomous practice within the ield. Even in a natural science ield like mathematics or geology, participants need to be aware of the external powers and institutions to which heteronomous scientists are linked, the ways in which autonomous scientists have tried to insulate themselves from forms of external dependency, the typical strategies of dominated newcomers and consecrated elites in the ield, and so forth. he need for self-relexivity is especially pronounced in the social and human sciences, however, because of certain peculiarities of these Geisteswissenschaten. First, human beings are capable of consciously or unconsciously changing their own practice in response to social science; this is one of the “looping efects” between social science and its objects of analysis discussed Preface · xv From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 by Hacking (1995). Second, the inherently meaning-laden character of human practice necessitates an interpretive, hermeneutic approach to understanding practice. Explanatory social science therefore usually appears in textualized forms, which are better suited for representing interpretive, meaningful action than numerical data or statistical models. Social science writing, like all writing, has to rely on rhetorical forms, tropes, narrative plot structures, and other stylistic devices. In social scientiic writing it is likely that some of these literary forms are inherited from earlier social science writing. h ird, relexivity about one’s own position is crucial for minimizing or at least perceiving processes of transference and countertransference that arise in the interpretation of social practice. Fourth, the intrinsically political character of social life makes value-free social science a chimerical goal; the best that can be hoped for is a relexive understanding of the array of political stances toward social objects and one’s own position in this space of possibilities. What some see as sociolog ical navel-gazing is thus an integral part of all genuine social science. 11. Bourdieu (1999/2000, 2001); Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992: 187–188). For a more recent intervention connected to Mills and Bourdieu, see Burawoy (2004, 2006). 12. Scientiic autonomy is related to academic freedom and freedom of speech but is not an identical concept. On the former, see Bourdieu (1991b, 1993a, 2000, 2001, 2004); on the U.S. concepts of academic freedom and freedom of speech, see Finkin and Post (2009); on the history of the German approach to freedom of science, teaching, and the universities, on which the American concept was originally based, see Laaser (1981) and Müller and Schwinges (2008). 13. See Department of Defense, baa (Broad Agency Announcement) No. W911NF-08-R-0007, at http://www.arl.army.mil/www/default.cfm?page=362. he Defense Department agreed to allow peer review of proposals, but the Minerva program’s dei nition of fundable projects was determined by American military and geopolitical interests. See David Glenn, “Pentagon Announces First Grants in Disputed Social-Science Program,” Chronicle of Higher Education, December 23, 2008; and http://www.ssrc.org/programs/minerva-controversy/. xvi · Preface From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 THIRTEEN Building the Cities of Empire Urban Planning in the Colonial Cities of Italy’s Fascist Empire besnik pula INTRODUCTION Anyone reared in the postcolonial sensibilities of American academe can easily be struck by the delight with which average citizens of Albania’s capital, Tirana, express admiration for the squares and buildings laid out and erected by Italian builders and funded largely by Italian capital in the 1930s and 1940s. No doubt, the impressively large Skënderbeg Square at the center of the city, the neoclassical buildings that are home to ministries and other government oices, and the modernist structures that house the public university—all a legacy of Albania’s domination by Italy in the era between the two world wars—contrast sharply with the drab and mostly unimpressive architecture of the ive decades of socialist rule that followed in the postwar era. he architectural diferences continue thus to signify the failure of the socialist state to live up to its promises of progress and modernization, compared with what the Italians had seemingly been capable of accomplishing within a much shorter period. But more than this contrast between two historical epochs, the layout of Tirana’s center, with vast open space and wide boulevards reminiscent of something that could have been thought up by a Le Corbusier (who, incidentally, declined the ofer to design Tirana’s urban layout back in the 1930s, opting for Algiers instead), and the stock of Italian-made buildings, aligned against the old mosque and the few surviving Ottoman-era structures of old Tirana, become exceptionally important for an intellectual culture that has become i xated, since the fall of the communist regime, on a seemingly irresolvable contradiction over “civilizational” orientations, questioning whether and to what extent Albania has, From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 is, and will be i nally departing the “East” and embracing the “West” (Sulstarova 2006). Contrast this relationship with the past with another society with a shared history of Italian dominance during the same period. he object that symbolizes the Italian colonial period for most Ethiopians is the thousand-yearold Aksum obelisk, a commemorative monument to the ancient Ethiopian empire, seized in 1937 under Mussolini’s orders and installed in Rome as a trophy of colonial conquest. Only recently has the Italian government fuli lled its formal promise of returning the obelisk, which had been an object of contention between the two states ever since Ethiopia regained independence.1 It is notable how, in both cases, the built environment signiies vastly distinct colonial legacies of the very same colonial power. In one case, the Italian colonial past represents a certain political and cultural connection to the West; in the other, the thet of the obelisk demonstrates that colonialism was motivated by racism and intended little more than the repression of native culture. But in both cases, the built environment, more than representing a mere collection of physical constructs with aesthetic value, functions as a central object of contention in the construction and reconstruction of postcolonial legacies, cultural identities, and the meaning of past and present political struggles.2 Developments such as these have motivated researchers to question the ideological, institutional, and political goals and motivations that stood behind colonial interventions into the built environment. No doubt, the rise and institutionalization of professional urban planning during the early twentieth century meant that the possibility for such interventions became much more likely and systematic. he importance of demonstrating the superiority of the civilization of the colonizer took the form of, as one Italian architect stated in the mid-1930s, the need to impose culture not only through laws but also through buildings.3 As one of the signiicant features of modernera colonialism that has recently received the attention of scholars, colonial urbanism becomes an important way of understanding colonialism and its legacy in the full range of its dimensions. h is brings us to the general question posed by this chapter: in what ways did colonial urban planning, that is, the use of city design as a tool of social policy, operate as a mechanism of domination, and what explains its variation over diferent colonial contexts? While existing research cast the colonial city as a social machine employed by colonial rulers to maintain social and physical boundaries between colonizer and colonized, my goal here is to illustrate, by way of comparison, that the social and symbolic function of Building the Cities of Empire · 367 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 colonial urbanism diverged across colonial contexts with the institutional and ideological form that empire building took in each context. In the case of Italian colonialism, I show how policies of colonial urbanism and architecture relected the distinct ideological and institutional ways in which Italy’s dominant elites sought to represent their empire and mobilize colonial subjects into the project of Italian empire building. In Ethiopia, Italian empire was intended and carried out as a project of direct domination and subjugation of what was seen as a racially inferior population, whom empire would “civilize.” Dei ned by the colonial “rule of diference” (Chatterjee 1993; see also Steinmetz 2007b), Ethiopians were treated as legally subordinate and the country administratively reorga nized and annexed to existing colonies Eritrea and Somalia. In Albania, by contrast, Italy’s empire was described as a “community,” dei ned by its goal of universalizing Fascist social order ofering underdeveloped societies a path to modernization that was both rapid and protected against what Fascist ideologues claimed to be the degeneracies of liberal and communist alternatives. Italy’s political domination of Albania was disguised by such gestures as giving Albanians formal equal citizenship rights, supporting Albanian irredentism and enlarging the state’s territory, and establishing institutions for the study and promotion of Albanian culture. As a component of colonial policy, colonial urban planning relected these goals. While city design in Ethiopia was intended to promote racial divisions, in Albania public architecture was intended to convey the triumph of Albanian nationalism under Italian empire. Why compare Ethiopia and Albania? In comparison to Italy’s longer, pre– Fascist era colonies in Libya and Eritrea, both Ethiopia and Albania were conquered and ruled by Italy within roughly the same time frame (Ethiopia, 1935–1941; Albania, 1939–1943). Yet Italian colonial urbanism in these two colonies catered to radically diferent goals: Italian urban planners in Addis Ababa sought to radically refashion the city as the capital of the newly established Italian East Africa and create distinctly segregated Italian and native zones and urban facilities, while in Tirana, even while Italians settled in the city in signiicant numbers, Italian urban planners sought to reinforce the image of an Albanian (albeit Fascistized) national capital. Even as Italian architects and urban planners jostled to join the imperial bandwagon and convinced the government to set up an Oice of Colonial Urbanism in charge of designing colonial cities and settlements in Italian East Africa, Tirana was intended more as a showcase of “Fascist style” and seen outside the context of colonial urbanism per se. Plans of “ethnic zoning” were never 368 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 contemplated there, while racial segregation constituted the basis of all planning in Italian East Africa. h is chapter is concerned with accounting for this divergence in Italian colonial urbanism, by situating the role of architects and urban planners within the overall framework of the Italian imperial enterprise. h is leads us to the question of the broader signiicance of colonial urbanism and its relevance as a feature of modern colonialism. Colonialism, as King (1990) points out, was constituted but also expressed by the structure, orga nization, and layout of colonial cities and settlements. While even early modern colonies exhibited certain patterns of settlement and spatial division between settlers and natives (Ross and Telkamp 1985), modern colonial states were among the i rst to develop the institutional means of direct intervention into urban environments through detailed planning and centralized control of architecture and city layout. Even Le Corbusier, the infamous architect who vigorously promoted planning methods in Eu rope and the United States during the interwar era, was able to realize most of his plans not in any Eu ropean capital but in Algiers, the capital of colonial Algeria (Lamprakos 1992). For a long time, such interventions into the built environment were interpreted by sociologists as resulting from global processes of “modernization” (Davis 1955; Light 1983) or, alternatively, of the gradual integration of Eu ropean colonies into the world capitalist system (Castells 1977; Chase-Dunn and Smith 1984; Smith 1996). Only a small number of sociologists developed an interest in explaining the actual content of colonial urban policies and the consequences of such interventions for the structure, layout, and social dynamics of colonial cities. Pioneering research in the ield focused on the processes leading to the development of “dual-city” morphologies (Abu-Lughod 1965, 1980) and the cultural consequences of colonial urbanism (King 1976). However, even while the emphasis on local historical dynamics in such studies transcended the theoretical limits of world-systems theory and its epistemological privileging of global structural forces, those studies nonetheless still retained an ambiguous relationship with that theoretical approach. In King’s case, this led to an advocacy of a theoretical approach to the study of colonial cities that amalgamated a number of distinct theories and methodologies with no clear emphasis in causal structures (King 1990; D. Smith 1991).4 In his later work as well, King (1995, 2004) is unable to resolve the contradictions between his dual emphasis on cultural factors and colonial discourses and his holding on to a position that advocates the causal primacy of the global capitalist market in urban development, including the Building the Cities of Empire · 369 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 determination of architectural forms. King’s theoretical conundrum may be symptomatic both of the marginal position of colonial urban studies within sociology and the need to attach colonial urban studies to shit ing dominant paradigms in urban sociology. Dominant approaches in urban sociology, conversely, have scantly considered colonial cities as objects of analysis (Orum and Chen 2002). King’s more recent work incorporates the growing interest in colonial urbanism of disciplines such as anthropology and architectural history. Less under the sway of theoretical paradigms in urban sociology and under the more direct inluence of postcolonial theory and Foucault’s critical analysis of power, the study of colonial urbanism in these disciplines interprets colonial urbanism as a component part of colonial discourse. Such discourseoriented approaches see the origins of colonial urbanism as part and parcel of the transformations of a technologically oriented modernity that sought to turn the city itself into a “regulator of modern society” (Rabinow 1989), as a consequence of planners intending to demonstrate the possibilities of urban planning by using colonies as sites of experimentation (Wright 1991), while others have analyzed colonial architectural forms as physical inscriptions of the discourse of colonial diference (Metcalf 1989). Architectural historians have distinguished their work from social analysts by their emphasis on the “physical frame of things” and urban “spatial characteristics,” even if their intended analysis is the embeddedness of architectural practice in relations of power (Çelik 1997: 2). However, as the critical theoretical work of Lefebvre ([1974] 1991) argues, any analytical separation of social dynamics and spatial features, in par ticu lar the social use and representation of urban space, may be untenable (see also Gregory and Urry 1985). In any event, renewed research into colonial urbanism by other disciplines has exposed the limits of the economistically driven analyses of urban development that have dominated urban sociology, and the speciic need to examine colonial urban formations as historical objects in their own right. More than mere symptoms of anonymous structural forces, historically based research has shown the implication of urban planning and architecture with colonial discourse and its “rule of diference” in the production of colonial urban space. Economistic analyses of colonial urban development fall lat particularly in the case of Italian colonial urbanism, which produced few economic beneits to the Italian state and Italian capitalists, while Italy’s entire colonial endeavor proved to be disastrous from an economic perspective (Larebo 1994; Mack Smith 1976). Speciic focus on urban layout and architectural form, objects of analysis that sociologists have typically shied away 370 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 from, and the demonstration of their contentious social functions and semiotic values for colonial administrators, metropolitan publics, and colonized subjects bring to light the need to study colonial cities as more than mere physical amalgamations of buildings and as speciic kinds of cultural products that provide broader insights into the institutions and dynamics of colonial domination. While substantial research has been carried out by historians on French and British colonial architecture and urbanism (Metcalf 1989; Wright 1991), interest in Italian colonial urbanism is much more recent and in relation to the Fascist period commonly linked to Fascism’s general ideological and political relationship with urbanism. Fascist ideology had an uneasy and at times antagonistic attitude toward urbanization, driven primarily by its conservative inclinations toward a managed and controlled industrialization that would preserve the agrarian character of society. Ironically, however, the period of Fascist rule in Italy was characterized by massive projects of urban transformation both within Italy and abroad (Kostof 1973, 1994; Mioni 1986). In Italy, this included the building of over eighty new planned urban settlements (Ghirardo 1989), as well as the transformation of existing cities, including the capital, Rome. Rome in par ticu lar was a prominent site of Fascist-era urban transformation, which included systematic demolitions to make way for expansive boulevards and squares that served as the backdrop to Fascism’s mass spectacles and the rising to prominence of Romanera ruins. 5 Fascist-era urbanism extended into Italy’s colonies as well. For example, Tripoli, which had been under Italian control since 1911, had few architectural or planning interventions during the liberal era. However, with the rise of the Fascist regime, Tripoli underwent signiicant changes in urban layout and public architecture (Von Henneberg 1994). Similar transformations were efected in Eritrea and Somalia. However, it was ater Ethiopia’s conquest that Italian architects and planners developed their most ambitious plans (Fuller 2007; Gresleri, Massaretti, and Zagnoni 1993). With references to Roman ruins and the regeneration of the ancient empire, colonial urbanism became a constitutive feature of Italian overseas expansion, to an extent that (given its short life span) perhaps exceeded those of other Western colonial empires. In what follows, this chapter examines the discursive sources and the institutional structures that determined Italy’s vastly divergent urban planning goals in two colonies, Albania and Ethiopia, and particularly their respective capitals, Tirana and Addis Ababa. Building the Cities of Empire · 371 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 BUILDING ITALY’S FASCIST EMPIRE: ITALIAN EXPANSION IN AFRICA AND THE EASTERN ADRIATIC COAST, 1935–1943 Like Germany and Belgium, Italy was a relative latecomer to the colonial fray. But whereas Germany lost all its overseas possessions ater 1919, Italy continued to maintain a presence in the territories of present-day Eritrea (which, i rst occupied in 1860, was Italy’s oldest colony), Somalia (occupied in 1889 and reoccupied in 1905), and Libya (occupied in 1911). hese colonies persisted as Italy transformed from a liberal into a fascist state beginning with Mussolini’s takeover in 1922, and Italian overseas expansion resumed once again with the invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. Ater the completion of Ethiopia’s conquest in 1936 and the forced dethroning of Ethiopia’s native ruler, the Italian government consolidated Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia into a single entity called Africa Orientale Italiana (Italian East Africa) and oicially proclaimed Italy an empire, which it celebrated rhetorically as part of Italy’s destiny to resurrect the ancient Roman Empire (Falasca-Zamponi 1997). In early 1939, prior to the commencement of the major hostilities of World War II, Italy invaded Albania and substituted the country’s native king with Italy’s own ruling monarchy to claim a “protectorate” over the country. he entry of Britain into war and the Italian army’s defeat in Greece in 1941 ended Mussolini’s dream of imperial expansion by way of retracing the Mediterranean path of the Roman Empire. Albania, however, remained occupied by Italy until the fall of the Fascist regime in 1943. Eforts to recount the much neglected—and, according to many, much repressed—history of Italian overseas expansion and colonialism, spurred the publication of Italian-language monographs on the topic beginning some four decades ago. 6 But the topic has only in recent years received greater attention in English-language research (Ben-Ghiat and Fuller 2005; Palumbo 2003b). However, the growing research on Italian colonialism has almost exclusively focused on Italy’s colonial experience in Africa, ignoring Italian expansion along the eastern Adriatic.7 Regretfully, this neglect in the historical literature has largely reproduced the geographic and historical division between colonial and noncolonial territory according to the oicial designations of the Fascist regime, while also limiting our understanding of the range of various social and political formations that constituted Italy’s modern empire. For Italy’s Fascist government, all of its conquered territorial possessions were considered part of its “Imperial Community,” though all parts carried diferent designations, juridical statuses, and were administered under diferent lines of authority. hus, while Italy’s African territories were oicially known as colonies, Albania, Italy’s largest “colonial” pos372 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 session in Europe, was ambiguously preserved as an autonomous entity incorporated under a “personal union” with the Italian ruling monarchy.8 h is included an internal administrative diference as well: Italian East Africa fell under the jurisdiction of the Ministry for Colonies, while Albania’s administration was handled by a special department within the Foreign Ministry. Moreover, Albania’s administrative structure was largely preserved, with the exception of the Albanian crown, which was assumed by Italy’s House of Savoy, and with certain institutional modiications intended to mold Albania into a Fascist state.9 Fascist oicials continually insisted that the union between Italy and Albania represented a union between two sovereign and self-ruling states. But while the shell of a sovereign state was preserved in Albania, Rome, in addition to handpicking loyalists to lead the government, set up a parallel civil-military administration that was under its own direction and maintained a deep presence within all of Albania’s administrative bodies (Agani 2002: 166–186; Fischer 1999). Rome also dissolved the Albanian army and Albania’s Foreign Ministry and imposed a customs union. In terms more speciic to colonial policy, the diference between Italy’s African colonies and Albania was constituted primarily by the fact that the “Italianization” of Africa was expected to occur mainly through a policy of demographic colonization that maintained a racial diference with natives (Labanca 2003). In Albania, however, mass cultural assimilation was also seen as a viable policy direction. h at this latter goal was entertained with all seriousness by the Italian government is made clear in the written records of Italy’s foreign minister Galeazzo Ciano, the strongest proponent of Albania’s occupation, who indicated in 1937 the possibility of Italy’s demographic and cultural “absorption” of Albania, using as a point of reference the descendants of Albanians in southern Italy who had migrated there from Albania during the i teenth and sixteenth centuries: I have persuaded the Duce to give 60 millions to Albania over the next four years, for works of various kinds. My visit to Tirana convinced me of the necessity for taking good care of this sector of the front. We must create stable centers of Italian inluence there. Who knows what the future may have in store? We must be ready to seize the opportunities which will present themselves. We are not going to withdraw this time, as we did in 1920 [when Albanian insurgents forced the Italian military out of the port city of Vlora]. In the south we have absorbed several hundred thousand Albanians. Why shouldn’t the same thing happen on the other side of the entrance to the Adriatic? (1953: 4) Building the Cities of Empire · 373 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 In the weeks prior to the military conquest of April 1939, Ciano argued that up to two million Italians could be settled in Albania, whose existing population barely exceeded one million (Fischer 1999: 9–10).10 Moreover, colonization projects were attempted before Italy’s formal occupation. Beginning in 1926, the Italian-controlled Ente Italiana agricolo Albania (eiaa) began a project of settlement of Italians on agricultural lands in western Albania. Although the initial numbers of colonists were small, by 1939 eiaa had settled some hundreds of Italians, mostly poor peasants, and planned greater expansion (Miho 1976).11 Ater occupation, Rome also stepped up its ideological eforts directed at the Albanian population. Relecting the belief in the possibility of mass acculturation, a high National Fascist Party (Partito nazionale fascista [pnf]) oicial asserted the need for Albanians to become “fascistized, Italianized and de-Balkanized” (quoted in Koka 1985: 65). Cultural assimilation, it seemed, would include as a i rst step political and ideological conversion, a belief shared both by Ciano and by leaders of the pnf. hus, in addition to setting up an Italian civilian and military administration parallel to the existing government headed by locals, the pnf directed eforts toward organizing an Albanian Fascist Party with local leaders in order to build a mass following among Albanians.12 he pnf also extended its system of Dopolavoros of ater-work socialization for workers and its Fascist youth organization to Albania. Fascist salutes and uniforms were also introduced to bolster Albania’s new Fascist identity. An American legal scholar of the period had termed Italy’s legal and institutional treatment of Albania as one relecting the establishment of a “vassal state” (Kempner 1941), but given the features of military occupation, direct control over the political apparatus, economic penetration, and the long-term intentions to colonize and Italianize the country, a colonial situation did indeed emerge, though one lacking the explicit racial features of non-European colonies (Balandier 1966). Put in terms of a more formal analysis, the relationship that emerged between Italy and Albania ater 1939 matches, according to the comparative historical dei nition of colonialism developed by Osterhammel, a situation in which “an entire society is robbed of its historical line of development, externally manipulated and transformed according to the needs and interests of colonial rulers” (1997: 15; emphasis in original).13 While lacking the “rule of diference,” which dei ned European colonies in Africa and Asia, the goal and practice of colonization distinguishes Albania from other Axis “vassal states” in eastern Europe, where friendly governments were put into place but no goals of cultural assimilation were carried out or intended.14 More important, Italy was the only Axis 374 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 state to extend its territorial control in both Africa and Europe, confronting it with the unique challenge of reconciling classic forms of colonialism in Africa with territorial expansion in Europe. In this sense, it may be useful to speak of two distinct historical types of Italian colonialism and their respective types of “colonial situations”: the “classic” colonial situation of racial colonialism, where political and social dominance was marked by the legal, social, and institutional division and segregation of colonizer and colonized according to an oicially sanctioned racial hierarchy, and paternalist-assimilationist colonialism, dei ned primarily by military and political domination of a colonizing state over a colonized society, with the goal of remaking native culture to conform to the image of its own. here is another level at which the latter type of colonialism difers from the former. In Albania the Italians not only were able to take advantage of local intraelite conl icts to draw “collaborators” into political institutions and the bureaucratic apparatus but also used Fascist ideology to attract an intellectual following among part of Albania’s cultural elites, who partook in the new regime and wrote favorably about Italy’s imperial project. h is, in efect, turned colonial subjects not only into mere servants of empire but gave them an active symbolic stake in articulating the scope, relevance, and virtues of empire (Pula 2008). h is feature may also be considered one of the distinguishing marks of what I am terming paternalistassimilationist colonialism, in that the form of colonial subjectivity is not constituted by rigid and biologically dei ned boundaries of race but becomes one in which cultural diference is secondary to the proclaimed sociopolitical universalism of the imperial project.15 Certainly, the fact that a single imperial state engaged in two very distinct types of colonial projects shows the movement between tension and complementarity of the ideological (Fascist) and cultural (nationally and culturally Italian) strands of discourse articulating the goals of Italy’s imperial expansion. Scholars of Italian colonialism, perhaps due to their exclusive focus on Africa, have usually missed this tension within Fascist Italy’s imperial project, tending to see Fascism mainly as a more militant version of Italian nationalism. However, the experience of Albania shows how Fascism (the claimed ideological universal) and Italian cultural nationalism (a par ticu lar identity within a realm of competing nations) served as very diferent kinds of justiications for Italy’s overseas expansion, while each aspect becomes more or less salient in diferent colonial contexts. he comparative analysis in this chapter provides one possible understanding of this divergence lying at the heart of Italy’s imperial project. Building the Cities of Empire · 375 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 THE INTERNATIONAL IMPERIAL FIELD AND VARIATION IN FORMS OF ITALIAN COLONIAL RULE he geographic extent of Italy’s Fascist empire may partly account for the variation in forms of rule Italians introduced in their African and European colonies. he internal dynamics of colonial states were largely responsible for the kinds of policies pursued by colonial administrators (Steinmetz 2007b, 2008a). Rather than mere administrative apparatuses carry ing out the will of metropolitan elites, colonial states functioned as semiautonomous ields that contained struggles between dominant factions largely centered around proper insight into the culture of the colonized, with signiicant consequences for colonial policy.16 But colonial state formation is also characterized by par ticu lar administrative structures, and at this level Italian rule in Italian East Africa and Albania difered in signiicant ways, providing diferent opportunities and participatory possibilities for the colonized in the colonial state and the project of empire more broadly.17 he administrative form of the colonial state determines the ontological sense in which the colonized is treated as a juridical subject: as an object of colonial administration, or as subjects who are conceded a limited political and ideological space, producing a certain civil society of the colonized.18 Put in other terms, the diference lies in granting colonial subjects a subordinate citizenship within empire (as in the case of Albania), as opposed to a complete exclusion from citizenship, an exclusion that is justiied and framed around racial terms (as in Ethiopia).19 But why did the structures of respective colonial states difer to such a radical degree? As discussed above, precolonial diferences in the internal political orga nization of each state do not suiciently account for the path pursued by Italian occupiers in both cases, as both Ethiopia and Albania functioned as relatively centralized states in the period prior to Italian conquest. Yet proponents of Italian expansion believed that Italy enjoyed a much freer hand in remaking Ethiopia politically and administratively than it did Albania, where the administrative bodies of the preoccupation sovereign state were largely preserved. I suggest that one of the signiicant causes of diference was not only internal to the Italian state but resulted from a historically earlier division of the geography of imperialism, a structure of causation that, at the global level of European colonial practice, had separated Africa from Europe’s periphery (and the Balkans in par ticu lar) as two distinct contexts of European imperial practice. he historically constituted cultural and political geography of imperial conquest and domination is signiicant to the extent that it narrowed the ield of choices for practices of 376 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 colonialism, especially since, at the time of Italy’s drive toward overseas expansion in the late 1930s, colonialism had long moved beyond being a “zone of contact” with foreign cultures and had consolidated into a long-standing ield of practice for powerful European states. Since its origins, the modern interstate system has been characterized by a system of territorial acquisition and administration that was regulated on an ad hoc basis by an emerging body of international norms (Tilly 1990). hese rules conferred distinct statuses on European and non-European territories and their relationship with the rising system of sovereign states. Since its establishment as a uniied nation-state in the mid-nineteenth century, Italy had continuous strategic interests in both the Balkans and Africa, having an active interest in the territorial reorganizations in the Balkans during the Ottoman Empire’s dissolution in the early twentieth century (including the possibility, proposed by a number of Italian political leaders of the era, of annexing parts of the eastern Adriatic Coast), while competing with other European states to expand its colonial possessions in Africa. here were also difering structures of competition between imperial states in these two parts of the world, distinguishing the stakes involved. In Africa, Italy was competing with the British and French empires for expanding control of resource-rich land and strategic ports, while competition in the Balkans pitted it more directly, until their disintegration in 1919, with the territorial empires of Austria-Hungary, Germany, Russia, and the Ottomans, as well as the expansionary states of the Balkans (in par ticu lar Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria). Ater its uniication in 1859, Italy quickly gained a role in the so-called Congress system that succeeded the post-Napoleonic Concert of Europe and was an active participant in the Congress of Berlin in 1878, which tackled the “Eastern Question,” as well as in the Conference of Ambassadors in London in 1913, which recognized Istanbul’s loss of the vast part of its European territories and also granted independence to Albania. As an international system, turn-of-the-century imperialism was organized around stakes, norms, and principles that difered signiicantly in distinct geopolitical zones of imperial domination. In Africa, Italian domination was exercised through conquest and direct rule, while in postindependence Albania, Italian inluence until 1939 was pursued mainly through diplomatic treaties and political pressures (Pastorelli 1967, 1970). Italy’s division of spheres of imperial competition was relected not only in its international behavior but also in the form of internal orga ni zation of overseas rule within the Italian metropolitan state ater its conquests of Ethiopia and Albania (e.g., the handling of colonial administration by diferent Building the Cities of Empire · 377 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 ministries, the diferent legal statuses accorded to conquered territories, and the manner of their annexation), as well as the realm of practices within the colonies. he global European practice of late imperialism, I argue, was embedded within a historical geography of conquest, domination, and global spatial (and thus social and cultural) regulation, and this normative framework that sustained a world of colonial empires was relected in the legal and institutional practices of Italy’s colonial rule. Schmitt ([1950] 2003) uses the concept of nomos to refer to the practices of global spatial organization that were historically sanctiied and expressed in the evolving norms and structure of international law, based on a system of mutual recognition by ruling sovereigns and regulating international political practices.20 Drawing from the historical origins of the jus publicum Europaeum in the practices of land acquisition in the absolutist era, Schmitt analyzes the historical rise of a Eurocentric world set around the European interstate system and spatially divided between the territories of dominium, that is, land legally held and ruled by mutually recognized sovereigns, and the “free space” of non-European territories, as space open to European conquest. h is division is also relected in the legal character of interstate conl ict. In the tradition of jus publicum Europaeum, Europe was considered a theatrum bellum (theater of war), in which the conduct of war and conquest itself became a regulated afair, developing such instruments as diplomatic negotiations, peace treaties, rules of warfare, and neutrality. War was “a relation among equally sovereign persons,” in which the enemy constituted one who demanded defeat and subjection but not annihilation (Schmitt [1950] 2003: 142–143), constituting what Schmitt terms a rationalization and “bracketing” of war. he system therefore dei ned the stakes of inter-European conl ict and regulated its conduct and established mechanisms to restore balance to the international (European) order ater conl ict. But European expansion beyond Europe required the development of new, distinct rules that were applicable to extra-European space, where rulers were typically not recognized as equal sovereigns (Young 1994). During the nineteenth century, the resulting spatial division of the world led the jus publicum Europaeum to recognize ive basic types of territories: (sovereign) state territory, colonies, protectorates, “exotic countries with European extraterritoriality,” and free occupiable land (Schmitt [1950] 2003: 184). he disintegration of the jus publicum Europaeum, in Schmitt’s view, came ater 1885, prompted partly by the crisis that ensued over the United States’ unprecedented decision to recognize the Congo Society as an independent state. he recognition and entry of new sovereigns within the Eurocentric system, 378 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 the rising power of the United States as a challenger to European hegemony (as well as its par ticu lar hegemony in the Western Hemisphere), and the increasing division of the world into Großräume, or spheres of inluence particular to individual powerful states, led the Eurocentric order into crisis and eventual disintegration.21 Beginning in 1919 with the Paris Peace Conference, one that according to Schmitt could not be characterized as a “European conference in terms of its representatives and subjects, but only in terms of its object and theme” ([1950] 2003: 240; emphasis in original), the way was opened for a universalized international law, though one that would stand on extremely shoddy grounds for much of the irst half of the twentieth century. In retrospect, we can say that it is within this disintegrating world political order that Fascist Italy attempted to increase its stake in its claim of being a colonial power on the global scale. However, what Schmitt sees as the disintegration of the European system ater 1919 may instead represent a protracted crisis; the underlying principles of the jus publicum Europaeum had yet to be fully challenged and perhaps would not be until ater the establishment of the United Nations and decolonization, when a universal system of international law based on a globally dif use system of sovereign states was established. In any event, in spite of the increasing number of new states joining the international system ater 1919, as well as attempts to build collective international security arrangements with institutions such as the League of Nations, the basic terrestrial divisions of the jus publicum Europaeum had not been fully displaced. In fact, as data collected by Bergesen and Schoenberg (1980) show, in the era between the two world wars, European overseas control continued to expand. To claim thus that the European system disintegrated ater 1919, as Schmitt suggests, may be somewhat overstated, even if its old principles had been deeply challenged by the rising new international order. In addition, the ledgling European system based on the League of Nations was directly challenged beginning in the 1930s, when Japan, Germany, and Italy engaged in a series of acts of aggression throughout the world. However, these events remain curiously unexamined by Schmitt.22 From this perspective, one can argue that Italy’s approach to its African and European territorial conquests (and its respective populations) may partly be relective of the continuing hold of the old division between dominium and free territory, corresponding with (a claim not made by Schmitt) an anthropological division of the world into civilized, semicivilized, and uncivilized (Harvey 2001).23 hat such geograph ically based civilizational rankings informed the hierarchy of peoples within Rome’s “Imperial Community” and their corresponding administrative structures is illustrated by Building the Cities of Empire · 379 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 the manner in which Fascist ideologues theorized the emerging imperial political formation. hus, one Fascist theorist described the Imperial Community as “a new complex political organism, a corpus misticum consisting of diverse parts.” he parts of the Imperial Community, however, exist within a hierarchy: “i rst come Italy and Albania; second in importance, but not equal to the Italo-Albanian union, are Libya and the Aegean possessions; and i nally, in a diferent position, is Italian East Africa.” he ordering was accounted by “diferences in geographic positions, races, and levels of civil development of their various populations, diferences which correspond to their respective juridical status within the Imperial Community” (Ambrosini 1940: 63; emphasis added).24 Prior political history was of no relevance to this geographic hierarchy of civilization, which furnished the basis of legal hierarchy as well. It ignored the facts that Ethiopia had been an internationally recognized independent state, a member of the League of Nations, and self-ruling for a much longer period than Albania. Situating Italy’s aggression on Ethiopia within Schmitt’s analysis of the crisis of the jus publicum Europaeum, the mode in which Italian political elites justiied expansion in Ethiopia may be indicative of the Italian state’s attempts to reopen the possibilities of new colonial conquests in Africa by reinforcing the orthodox spatial division between sovereign and nonsovereign space and thus nullify the attempts by the League of Nations to establish a universal rights-based system of interstate relations applying to all member states.25 In addition, Italy’s engagement in what amounts to a colonial project in Europe may be relective of the contradictions faced by the Italian government itself, feeling the need to engage in various legal, political, and diplomatic machinations so as to rid Albania of its political autonomy while maintaining the shell of a nominally sovereign state and claim Albania as an equal in the “Imperial Community.” While by no means the main explanation, this is one way to start making sense of the radical disjunctures in the administrative forms of Italian overseas rule. In the case of Italian colonialism, understanding the structure of administrative and political institutions helps to contextualize the role of racial and ethnographic discourses in determining the kinds of colonial policies pursued in each colony, which is emphasized by postcolonial scholars (Bhabha 1994b; Said 1978; for a critical evaluation see Steinmetz 2007: 19–71). In the case of Italian colonialism, the problem is compounded by the existence of two divergent forms of discourse informing interpretations of native culture. For example, while there was renewed emphasis on the ethnographic study of Albanians ater Italy’s occupation, the representations of natives in Ethiopia were quickly monopolized by the discourse of scientiic 380 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 racism that gained prominence in Italy ater Ethiopia’s occupation. In the late 1930s, Mussolini became more accepting of the racial ideology practiced in Nazi Germany, leading to eforts by the government to extend oicial recognition to scientiic racism and adopt its premise of biological races as a matter of policy. h is included the publication of a governmentsponsored popu lar journal on questions of race, eforts by the regime to give prominence to marginal racial scientists, and Mussolini’s personal interventions in the debate between Italian racial scientists on the “Aryan” or “Mediterranean” origins of Italians (Gillette 2002). In addition, the period 1938– 1940 saw the adoption of a series of racial laws applicable both within Italy and its overseas colonies. In the mainland, these laws mainly targeted Italy’s Jewish population, while special measures for Italian East Africa included strict restrictions on misogyny and intensive eforts by the authorities to regulate sexual contact between Italian male colonizers and native women. But while these eforts largely failed, it is notable that such policies were never put into place in Albania (Jacomoni 1965: 170). Misogyny was never perceived as a problem in Albania, even though some tens of thousands of Italians, mostly men, resided in Albania. It is also not the case that particular actors held racist attitudes more than others and that this afected policies such as urban planning: as I show below, the same architect who developed the layout plan for Tirana had done extensive work in Ethiopia, where he strongly advocated racial segregation. Rather than attitudes on race, the structure of colonial administration and its institutions placed limits on the types of categorizations that could be efectively put into use in colonial policy, including urban planning. h is includes the treatment of African territories and populations as the proper space of racial colonialism, while an intense cultural and ideological imperialism— even in combination with policies of colonization— constituted a proper technique of rule for Europe’s periphery.26 he ambitions of Italian colonial urban planners and architects came to represent this distinction in the types of urban layouts it sought and the architectural forms it proposed and partly implemented in the two colonial contexts. URBAN PLANNING IN TIRANA AND ADDIS ABABA: THE FASCISTIZED CAPITAL AND THE “CITY OF EMPIRE” he remainder of this chapter examines Italian colonial urban policy by comparing urban planning in Tirana and Addis Ababa, both intended plans as well as those carried out. Planners advocated a policy of “ethnic zoning” in Ethiopia, intended to physically segregate urban areas and settlements Building the Cities of Empire · 381 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 between Italian colonists and natives; in Tirana, Italian planners continued the project of building a city that was intended to stand as a symbol of Fascist modernity, even while bearing symbols of Albanian national identity. In Ethiopia, urban planners and architects advocated racial divisions even before the rise of scientiic racism into oicial dogma, while in Albania, architectural form came to be inspired by more romantic ethnographic representations of Albanian ethnic identity. hus, the growing inluence of scientiic racism did not displace earlier ethnographic frames that cast Italians and Albanians as sharing “ancient ties” dating from the Roman era. he fact that racial discourse did not apply to Albanians as forcefully as to Italy’s African colonial subjects meant that older ethnographic representations served as the basis on which the Italian colonial state could veer ambiguously between a paternalistic project of political domination and a project of cultural assimilation. Within Italy’s political ield, these two poles were represented by the foreign minister, Ciano, who saw Albania in geostrategic terms and advocated assimilation, and Italy’s highest oicial in Albania, Francesco Jacomoni, who advocated a paternalistic role for Italians as protectors of Albanian cultural identity.27 In this context, architectural form shited toward Jacomoni’s position in seeking to imitate native forms, most prominently in the case of the design for the Casa di Fascio. Italian architects commenced work in both Ethiopia and Albania very soon ater Italy’s takeover, and construction also followed soon ater plans were set. he urban structures and layouts envisioned for both Addis Ababa and Tirana in terms of city form are strikingly similar. Both were modeled according to the rationalism and monumentalism of the City Beautiful movement of the 1920s and 1930s (Hall 2001), with an imposing central district and boulevards that radiate outward toward the periphery. However, while the design of the overall city layout was similar, Addis Ababa’s plan included a detailed designation of city spaces intended for Italians and others for natives. he initiative to plan newly conquered colonial cities in Africa in accordance with racial principles had issued directly from a group of inluential Italian architects and planners and predated the oicial rise of scientiic racism. Ater the completion of Ethiopia’s conquest in 1936, colonial urbanism came to occupy center stage in many of the debates among Italian planners.28 he dominant view among planners was the need to develop a general plan for the entire empire, which would include the planning of old and new settlements in newly conquered lands, and the establishment by the state of an Oice of Colonial Urbanism (Uicio urbanistico coloniale), stafed by planners to manage its implementation. While debating 382 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 the type of urban and architectural forms to be adopted, the extent of development, and whether it would be based on the preservation of existing structures or the complete transformation of urban environments, and in choosing between modernist, neoclassical, or experimental architectural forms inspired by “traditional” native architecture, planners coalesced around the notion that Italian colonial architecture must be characterized by a monumentalism that followed in the footsteps of the great works of the Romans, whose empire oicial Fascist discourse claimed to be reconstituting in modern guise. In addition, planners maintained a strong position regarding the undesirability of African culture as serving as a guide or inspiration for urban and architectural design. Being a territory inhabited by a “fully primitive” population, according to architect Luigi Piccinato writing in 1931 (quoted in Boralevi 1986: 245), and given the stated need to sharply distinguish Italian civilization from that of the colonized, Italian planners moved toward the position of an Italian “civilizing mission” that intended to mobilize planning as a tool to exhibit the superiority of Italian culture (Fuller 1988) but also to help accomplish the project of colonization by setting up the necessary infrastructure for massive Italian settlement, which was projected to follow the conquest. Treading this general path, the First National Congress of Urbanism, held in 1937 in Rome, issued a concluding statement that strongly advised that Italian colonial planning take as one of its key guiding principles the “clear separation of Italian and indigenous quarters” (quoted in Boralevi 1986: 247). As Boralevi notes, the principle of ethnic zoning was embraced quite quickly by Italian planners as it became constitutive of the urban layout plan for Addis Ababa, produced a short ive months ater the conquest of the country. According to the general scheme for the city issued by the colonial government’s planners in 1937, Addis Ababa would consist of four districts: a political district, a commercial district, and two separate residential districts, one reserved for Ethiopians, the other for Italians, further subdivided into residential quarters for colonial administrators and another for workers. he racial division of the city was maintained in subsequent updates of the plan, even as construction of new city areas by Italian i rms was taking place and as Addis Ababa was designated the capital of Italy’s African empire (Boralevi 1986). While notions of racial segregation predated the regime’s acceptance of scientiic racism as an oicial doctrine, the concept of “ethnic zoning” was made legitimate and given scientiic credence by the doctrines of scientiic racism. “Ethnic zoning,” as carried out by Italian planners in Ethiopia, thus applied only to the division between Italian colonists and native Ethiopians and did not include further Building the Cities of Empire · 383 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 subdivisions between the many ethnic and linguistic groups that inhabited Addis Ababa. In fact, Italian colonial governments did not make signiicant attempts to establish formal divisions between Ethiopia’s various ethnic groups, underlining the primacy of racial division in Italian policy and the strong impact of racial discourse on shaping Italian colonial policy in Africa (Barrera 2003). In actuality, policing the racial boundaries envisioned by Italian urban planners and colonial administrators was much more problematic. Among the phenomena that irked Italy’s colonial administrators and unsettled their plans of maintaining racial boundaries was the growing practice of miscegenation. Both popu lar colonial fantasies of sexual domination of exoticized native women that were depicted in Italian imagery of the African colonial world as well as the fact that a disproportionate share of settlers in Africa were male contributed to the growing practice of miscegenation and interracial marriage (madamismo), leading Rome to adopt a series of measures banning interracial relationships and denying citizenship to of spring (Barrera 2005; Pickering-Iazzi 2003). At the same time, Italian economic policy in Ethiopia, which was tied to its policy of massive settlement of Italian workers and peasants, was failing spectacularly, proving unable to maintain a steady Italian presence in the colony and unable to fuli ll Rome’s ambitious plans of turning Ethiopia into an econom ical ly proitable enterprise (Larebo 1994; Pankhurst 2001). In Addis Ababa, the grandiose plans of Italian planners of transforming the city into an imperial capital came only to partial realization, with Italian residential quarters only partially completed and the failing colonial economy casting many Italian colonists into conditions of poverty, in some cases even worse than those of natives. While harboring grandiose plans of resurrecting a Roman Empire in the Mediterranean, which would leave its lasting imprint through imposing architectural works, Rome’s colonial policy proved to be little more than a short-lived, brutal, militaristic adventure, with many of its designs for Addis Ababa and other colonial settlements remaining little more than blueprints. he debates on colonial urbanism among planners and architects in the late 1930s did not include Albania, an exclusion that continued in the period ater conquest, showing how even among architects Albania registered as a universe very much apart from the “primitive” and racially divided world of African colonialism. Racial discourse was never capable of furnishing a basis for Italian elites in their policy decisions on Albania, and thus urban planning in Albania became less concerned with the spatial ordering of so384 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 cial groups and took on a more explicitly ideological function. Far from being intended as a manifestation of racial superiority, urban planning in Tirana sought to monumentalize the alleged achievements of Fascism and the Fascist Imperial Community, while paying tribute to local culture and national identity. One of the reasons for this distinct emphasis may be that Italian planners and architects had been involved in Tirana’s construction since the late 1920s, when Italian political and economic inluence i rst began its exertion in Albania. Hence, even before the Italian military disembarked on the Albanian shore in April 1939, the layout for Tirana had already been heavily shaped by Italian planners. Tirana had become the oicial capital of the newly independent Albanian state only in 1924. At the time, with a population of about 30,000, it was only one among a number of the country’s urban centers dispersed throughout the country, while the port of Durrës served as an administrative center in the period immediately ater independence (Duka 1997). With the establishment of the regime of Ahmet Zogu in 1924, among the policies the government pursued was the development of Tirana, in order to fashion the city more like a large European national capital. Most of the construction of the Albanian capital’s main square and central boulevard during the 1920s and 1930s was paid for by Italian loans. As a result, Italian architects, construction i rms, and workers performed much of the work, while Italian architects designed the city’s master plan. By 1939, a signiicant portion of Tirana’s new central district was already completed, including Skënderbeg Square (named in commemoration of the medieval Albanian notable who resisted the Ottomans), and two portions of the central boulevard, one part of which was aptly named ater Mussolini. he central square and boulevard contrasted strongly with the rest of the small and narrow structures of the former Ottoman town, to the point where it prompted one European observer to sarcastically note, ater a visit in Tirana, that he saw “a boulevard without a city” (quoted in Aliaj, Lulo, and Myt iu 2003: 38). However, while the original master plan, drawn up by Italian architect Armando Brasini in 1925, proposed the development of an imposing (and, in the original plan, walled) “Roman island” at the center of the old Ottoman town, very much like Italian planners had done in separating the “old” and “new” city in Tripoli, the new plan of 1939 contemplated no such division and instead proposed an integrated city with a center that would feature a combination of neoclassical, modernist, “Fascist-style” architecture and native (pre-Ottoman) forms (Gresleri 1993). In addition to the revised master plan for the city, the establishment of the Luogotenenza, representing the Italian civil-military component of Building the Cities of Empire · 385 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 fig 13.1 · he Casa di Fascio, now housing the Polytechnic University of Tirana, and its square on the end of Tirana’s main boulevard, completed in 1942 (photo by author). Albania’s governing structure, led to a series of new regulations for urban design being put into place. Among others, the local government of Tirana established an agency charged with approving the architectural plan of every new private construction, down to the smallest corner kiosk. As Jacomoni (1965) notes in his memoirs, the inlux of Italian capital led to a construction boom, and according to his (likely exaggerated) count, for the short period of Italian rule, Tirana saw the construction of seven hundred new private residential and commercial units. In any event, within a few years ater Albania’s occupation, Tirana grew by about thirty-ive thousand inhabitants, while its territory nearly doubled (Aliaj, Lulo, and Myt iu 2003: 45). In addition, according to one estimate, by 1943 some thirty thousand of Tirana’s residents were Italian. 29 Facts such as these led Aliaj, Lulo, and Myt iu to characterize the years of Italian occupation as one of the periods of Tirana’s fastest growth. Among the key architects to participate in the planning of the city layout was Gherardo Bosio, a renowned Florentine architect who had volunteered to ight in Ethiopia and remained there ater the occupation to 386 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 produce a number of urban plans for the empire. Bosio wrote extensively on colonial urban planning and had developed the plans for the Ethiopian towns of Gondar, Dessié, and Gimma. In his work on Africa, Bosio advocated strict divisions between native and Italian zones, including not only areas of residence but also separate commercial districts and even traic patterns so as to ensure that contact between the two groups within the city remain limited to the most necessary interactions (Boralevi 1986; Fuller 1988). However, the principle of clear ethnic demarcation of city zones was not suggested in Bosio’s plan for Tirana, even if Italian planners had full control over the direction of city planning and the Luogotenenza controlled the funds that would i nance the ensuing construction of public buildings. Moreover, Bosio was commissioned to design the new political and cultural complex to stand at the apex of Tirana’s central boulevard, which had been renamed Viale Impero. he complex, which would include a stadium, a theater, and various administrative oices, included the Casa di Fascio, a distinct structure that would stand in contrast to the robust rationalist design of the other buildings within the complex because it would be intended to architecturally represent Albanian national identity. Bosio based the design of the building on the image of the kulla, the tower-like structure found in the Albanian highlands, whose population was romanticized for their archaic way of life by ethnographers such as Baldacci. he appropriation of the kulla was intended not merely to adorn a modern building but as an enlarged replica strategically situated within the center of the city to shape the city’s identity, as well as represent Fascism’s promise of rapid modernization. 30 he efort, moreover, to modernize architectural forms that predated Ottoman conquest (and the city’s own Ottoman heritage) from a speciic ethnographic repertoire of “Albanian traditionalism” meant that city design served as a tool to continue the Albanian nationalist project of constructing an Albanian national identity, even if such construction was being carried out by an agent of empire. he design also played into the oicial discourse of regeneration of ancient civilization by way of modern empire, including a return to the supposed “ancient ties” between the Romans and the ancestors of the Albanians, a view that had been propounded by Albanophile scholars such as Baldacci, Bernardy, and Mustilli. 31 he discourse of ancient ties also cohered with a number of Albanian supporters of the Italian Fascist empire, who echoed this view and frequently referred to Italians as “big brothers” and Mussolini as Albania’s savior (Pula 2008). he construction of the Casa di Fascio symbolized Fascism’s seemingly mystical creative powers Building the Cities of Empire · 387 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 fig 13.2 · Picture of Iballja clansmen in the region of Puka in the northern Albanian highlands, taken by Austrian scholar Baron Franz Nopsca in 1905. he building in the background is an example of a stone-built kulla dwelling, which Bosio imitated in his design for the Casa di Fascio (photo courtesy of Robert Elsie). to regenerate and renew, transplanting the primordiality of “Albanianness” represented by the traditional domicile of Albania’s highlands into modern form and made by the Casa into a “home” for Fascism’s claimed status as a universal force. he Casa thus complemented the ideology of Fascist empire and Albania’s existence as a national community within the fold of Rome while also functioning as a symbol of Albania’s modernizing aspirations, which Rome claimed to be in the process of realizing. It could be therefore said that Tirana’s city design relected the way in which Italy’s empire projected itself into Albania: a historical endeavor intended to expand imperial control by aggrandizing native culture and manipulating nationalist sentiment, all the while opening the space for Fascistization and “Italianization” and creating a relationship of subordination to the greater power of Rome. It is unclear from the existing historical record whether Bosio knowingly tuned his project to the political machinations devised by Ciano and Mussolini, or whether he acted out of dedication to his profession and his intellectual interest in foreign culture. However, given Bosio’s reputation and dedication to his profession as an architect, it seems that the latter is more likely the case (Cresti 1996). 388 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 CONCLUSION he signiicant consistency between Italian urban planning and the overall institutional and ideological framework of Italian colonialism in Italian East Africa and Albania contexts points to the fact that urban planning cohered deeply with the principles of organization of the entire range of institutions of colonial domination. At the institutional level, the diferential treatment of the two territories and their respective populations stemmed partly from earlier European practices of imperial domination and the persisting view among Italy’s Fascist elites of the racial inferiority of Africans, bolstered by the rise of scientiic racism as an oicial doctrine of the Fascist state. On the one hand, the legacy of Italian imperial involvement in Albania pushed the Italian government toward the “protectorate” policy and in granting Albania a relatively privileged position within Italy’s Imperial Community. Italy’s position in Albania was embedded in the system of European territorial acquisition and rule, governed by the nomos of European international legal practice, which had historically privileged Europe as a zone of sovereign state territory and distinguished it from Africa as a zone of free territory open to conquest. Consequently, Italy’s Fascist rulers faced few inhibitions in dissolving the state of Ethiopia and creating a new administrative region to be attached to Italy’s overseas empire, while devising institutional forms intended to ensure Rome’s control and at the same time preserving the semblance of an autonomous state in Albania. Even while entertaining the goal of demographic colonization of conquered lands with the massive settlement of Italian workers and peasants, Italian urban planning in newly conquered territories nonetheless proceeded on separate tracks. In relation to Ethiopia, Italian architects and planners followed the existing tradition of European colonial urbanism by advocating strict segregation and designed urban layouts based on principles of racial division. Seeking to drastically transform the structure of the city, Italian plans for Addis Ababa included massive redevelopment and division of the city into Italian and native zones, relecting Ethiopians’ exclusion from citizenship. In Albania, the symbolic function of the city was lodged within the framework of Fascism and its universalizing aspirations, with Fascism representing an alternative road to modernity for poorer countries such as Albania. In addition, the weakness of scientiic racism and its crass categorical divisions between groups meant that more perspicacious forms of ethnographic representation gained a much more prominent role, including such theses as that of ancient ties between Romans and the ancestors of the Albanians and the regeneration by architecture in the Casa Building the Cities of Empire · 389 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 di Fascio of what was seen as an archaic, pre-Ottoman substratum of Albanian culture, inspired by the ethnographic work of Albanophile scholars such as Baldacci. h rough such cultural works, Italian domination in Albania claimed to be doing the work of Albanian nationalism, all the while politically and econom ical ly subjugating the country and even vaguely entertaining the possibility of mass cultural assimilation. As other scholars have noted, Italian colonial urbanism was tightly bound to Italy’s project of empire, while urban planners enthusiastically embraced Italy’s conquest of Ethiopia and the formation of Italian empire. Yet colonial urbanists and architects adjusted urban plans and architectural form in accordance largely with the political and ideological principles that governed each colony. In Ethiopia, urban planning set out to assist the construction of a racially segregated society, while in Albania, urban planning was seen as a tool of modernization and an ideological tool of Fascist empire. Yet it is important not to reductively treat the works of Italian urban planners as mere instruments of Italian imperial politics. Just as the practice of urban planning itself was deeply enmeshed within the colonial enterprise, Italian urban planners and architects saw in colonial empire the opportunity to demonstrate the social utility and transformative capabilities of their trade. Italian urban planners and architects also saw in colonial empire the opportunity to compete with other European planners and showcase the achievements of Fascist modernity and architecture (Fuller 2007). As Wright (1991) shows, colonial urban layouts and architecture are a consequence of the imperialism of the planning profession just as much as of the political imperialism of states. hat planners saw in empire the opportunity of realizing the virtues of their own work is illustrated by Hall’s (2001: 198) quote of a letter by British architect Herbert Baker to Edwin Lutyens, on the occasion of their selection by the British India Oice to design New Delhi: “It is really a great event in the history of the world and of architecture—that rulers should have the strength and sense to do the right thing. It would only be possible now under a despotism—some day perhaps democracies will follow. . . . It must not be Indian, nor English, nor Roman, but it must be Imperial. In 2000 years there must be an Imperial Lutyens tradition in Indian architecture. . . . Hurrah for despotism!” Such sentiment was shared by Italian architects, who enthusiastically rallied behind empire and sought a role in its project of subjugation. And yet, it is only by situating architectural and urban planning within the divergent structures and ideological goals of diferent types of colonial states and their geohistorical sites that we understand how the speciic hubris of the planning profession came to it into the overall project of empire. 390 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 NOTES 1. he return of the obelisk is no doubt not the only question of colonial restitution. Ater decades of refusal, in 1995 the Italian government formally admitted that the Italian military had used ammunitions laden with poisonous gas in the Ethiopian war. On the postcolonial signiicance of the obelisk, see Pickering-Iazzi (2003). See Del Boca (1992, 2003) on the politics of remembrance and suppression of colonialism and empire in Italy. 2. See Doumanis (1997) for an exemplary study on the politics of memory of Fascist empire among its formerly colonized subjects. Like the Greek Dodecanesian islands studied by Doumanis, Albania was spared the large-scale violence that the Italian military inl icted in Africa and beneited from Italian focus on infrastructural development. hese have contributed to the historically skewed image of Italians as “good” colonizers, shared in the collective memory of Italians and their former Eu ropean colonial subjects. 3. he architect Ferdinando Reggiori stated in 1936: “Every people that must export its own civilization, or better yet, ‘colonize,’ cannot achieve this without imposing through its laws its own buildings” (quoted in Boralevi 1986: 242). 4. In par tic u lar, Smith, a world-systems theorist, chastised King for attempting an “interdisciplinary synthesis that would weave together recent threads of urban planning and architecture, ‘the new urban sociology,’ and global political economy (with a few strands of postmodern embroidery)” (D. Smith 1991: 554). 5. On this par tic u lar point, including how medieval buildings were torn down in order to expose older Roman-era ruins that lay under or nearby, see FalascaZamponi (1997). Falasca-Zamponi discusses the links between this practice and the Fascist regime’s growing emphasis, particularly ater the 1935 Ethiopian campaign, on the myth of the resurrection of the Roman Empire and the government’s oicial proclamation of Italy as an empire. On the role of Roman tropes and ruins in Fascist and Nazi politics, see Hell (2010). 6. Most important of these is the pioneering work of Del Boca (1969). On the general neglect of historians to examine the history of Italian colonialism, see Triulzi (1982). For a more recent statement, see Palumbo (2003a) and Labanca (2003). 7. Among the few studies of Italy’s non-African colonialism is Doumanis (1997). 8. Fischer (1999) shows how Italian postoccupation policy was to a certain extent intentionally ambiguous as to Albania’s legal status. Fearing a diplomatic backlash, Italian policy was intentionally designed to preserve the shell of an independent state while ensuring efective Italian control internally. As for the use of the term “colonial,” some historians (including Fischer and most Albanian historians) have used the term to characterize the period of Italian rule in Albania. However, the term is used in a loose sense without drawing out the implications of what such a designation means for the historical practice of modern colonialism more generally. 9. Among the changes included was the renaming of Albania’s parliament as the Superior Fascist Corporative Council (to which were added fourteen Italians as deputies) and the establishment of the Central Council of the Corporative Economy to direct economic policy. Building the Cities of Empire · 391 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 10. h roughout the 1920s and 1930s, having become the chief i nancial backers of the Zog monarchy in Albania, Italian interests had already penetrated Albania deeply. Rome had helped establish and controlled a majority stake in the Bank of Albania and had set up the Societa per lo sviluppo economico di Albania to administer the use of Italian grants and loans in Albania, which efectively put Albania’s economic policy under Rome’s control. On Rome’s economic policies in Albania in the period before occupation, see Fishta (1979, 1989, 1999). 11. he basic idea behind the policy of demographic colonization was to divert the low of Italian immigration and transform potential immigrants into a population of overseas colonists directed by the state. See Larebo (2005) for a summary of the features and the eventual failure of the policy. 12. h is is another distinguishing feature of Italian rule in Albania. In Slovenia, for instance, to which Italian troops were deployed in 1941, the Italians did not attempt to establish a separate Fascist political orga nization but supported a local pro-Fascist group, the Domobranci (Defenders of the Homeland). 13. Albania’s case does not fully adhere to Osterhammel’s second part of his formal dei nition of colonialism, which includes the unwillingness of foreign rulers to make cultural compromises with the natives and to preclude assimilation (2005: 15–17). However, the fact that Italian rule in Albania included the possibility of the acculturation of natives may make the colonial relationship no less abominable and may even make it more insidious. In any event, the other signiicant fact is that the Italian government did see Albania as a settlement colony and had tens of thousands of Italians settled there, and not only as an extraneously ruled territory (such as British India) or a friendly political satellite (such as were East Eu ropean Axis allies Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria to Nazi Germany). 14. An exception to this may be German-occupied Poland (see Furber 2003). 15. h is is a distinguishing feature of Fascism, as it sought to dismantle the traditional liberal gap between public and private, politicizing, from the top down, every facet of individual life and thus legitimizing the state’s supervision and intervention in all of them. It is in this sense that Fascism was not only a political ideology per se, that is, one that concerned itself only with the particular form of political and economic institutions, but an ideology that subsumed the entire moral character and being of the individual. It is in this context that Mussolini and other Fascist ideologues claimed Fascism to be a totalitarian system (Ben-Ghiat 2001; Berezin 1997; Gentile 1996). 16. Steinmetz develops the concept of the colonial state ield starting from Bourdieu’s ield theory (Bourdieu 1984, 1996a, 1999). 17. See Robinson (1972) on the role of native “collaboration” in making colonialism possible. 18. Chatterjee (1993) illustrates such a relation between colonizer and colonized in British-ruled India. For example, early Indian nationalists had no qualms about India’s subjection to Britain’s empire but rather criticized the failed policies of modernization carried out by the British. It was in a later phase that Indian nationalists turned toward a wholesale rejection of British rule but only ater nationalism had succeeded in creating an autonomous cultural space. In Albania, the embrace of 392 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 modern empire by a faction of Albanian nationalists occurred ater the country’s independence from the Ottoman Empire; however, a relatively autonomous cultural space persisted and was even encouraged by the Italians, even if ideologically policed (Pula 2008). 19. h is indeed was the case legally as well. With Albania, Rome enacted a policy of dual citizenship and one of free travel, which permitted Albanians and Italians to travel and settle freely throughout both countries (in reality, very few Albanians moved to Italy). Upon the dissolution of Albania’s Foreign Ministry, the Italian government issued an order permitting Albanian citizens to seek counsel at Italian embassies: “With express orders by the Duce, no discrimination can be exercised against Albanians who seek help from [our embassies], and enjoy the same rights and duties as Italians, based on the principle of full equality” (quoted in Jacomoni 1965: 161). In Ethiopia, in contrast, Ethiopians were denied the privileges of Italian citizenship. 20. In Schmitt’s discussion of nomos, a concept he develops against the approach to law found in legal positivism, nomos represents the normative and spatial principles of a system of ordering, the original act of an ordo ordinans (“order of ordering”). Nomos is not law itself but rather the set of principles out of which legal order is generated and legitimated as such. “In its original sense,” Schmitt writes, “nomos is precisely the full immediacy of a legal power not mediated by laws; it is a constitutive historical event—an act of legitimacy, whereby the legality of a mere law i rst is made meaningful” ([1950] 2003: 73; emphasis in original). More speciically, “all subsequent regulations of a written or unwritten kind derive their power from the inner mea sure of an original, constitutive act of spatial ordering. h is original act is nomos. All subsequent developments are either results of and expansions on this act or else redistributions (anadasmoi)— either a continuation on the same basis or a disintegration of and a departure from the constitutive act of the spatial order established by [acts such as] landappropriation, the founding of cities, or colonization” (Schmitt [1950] 2003: 78). Clearly, this is a philosophically realist position that sees par tic u lar classes of action as explainable by reference to a par tic u lar (or par tic u lar set of) historically constituted generative principle(s), rather than a set of empirically independent and unrelated acts. 21. For example, Schmitt notes the increasing distinction made by legal scholars toward the end of the nineteenth century between Eu ropean and American international law. he growth in the sheer number of independent sovereign states also created turmoil in the system. hus, Schmitt notes how Eu ropean jurists failed to notice that the recognition of new states constituted not the universalization of the Eu ropean system of international law but its collapse as a Eu ropean system per se. Schmitt expresses this in a powerful statement: Jurists believed that Eu rope was being complimented by the reception of nonEuropeans, and did not notice that, in fact, they were loosening all the foundations of a reception, because the former—good or bad, but in any case conceived of as a concrete order, above all as a spatial order, by a true community Building the Cities of Empire · 393 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 of Eu ropean princely houses, states, and nations—had disappeared. What appeared in its place was no “system” of states, but a collection of states randomly joined together by factual relations—a disorga nized mass of more than 50 heterogeneous states, lacking any spatial or spiritual consciousness of what they once had in common, a chaos of reputedly equal and equally sovereign states and their dispersed possessions, in which a common bracketing of war no longer was feasible, and for which not even the concept of “civilization” could provide any concrete homogeneity. (2003: 233–234) 22. he only exception in Schmitt’s (2003) book is Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia; see subsequent discussion in text. On Schmitt’s more explicit writings on Nazi imperialism and the reasons for his avoidance of direct discussion in his 2003 book, see Hell (2009). 23. Harvey discusses Kant’s Geography, which ranked the world’s populations according to a racial scheme. Noting how Kant’s geographic knowledge contradicts his better-known writings on universal ethics and cosmopolitanism, Harvey quotes Kant suggesting that “humanity achieves its greatest perfection with the white race. he yellow Indians have somewhat less talent. he negroes are much inferior and some of the peoples of the Americas are well below them” (quoted in Harvey 2001: 210–211). In the case of Albania and the Balkans, Wolf (1994) and Todorova (1997) show how, beginning with Enlightenment thinkers, Eu rope’s eastern and southeastern periphery was consistently seen as an ambiguous intermediate zone between the civilization of the West and the barbarism of the East. 24. Ambrosini further states that “it is only the population of Italian East Africa who are in a state of subjugation, but such that does not exclude the possession of religious and civil rights to participate in local administration and the Empire’s economic development.” Subjugation was not appropriate for Libya and the Aegean islands “due to each region’s respectively advanced stage of civilization,” but those populations nonetheless required a treatment that brought all of the kingdom’s populations “to the same level.” h is type of sociopolitical organization, though new in Ambrosini’s view, nevertheless “conformed to the Roman tradition” (1940: 63). 25. Schmitt recognizes the failure of the jus publicum Europaeum to be replaced by a new nomos, chiely by the failure of states to “bracket” war. Schmitt discusses this failure using the League of Nations’ inability to preserve the rights of Ethiopia, a member state, ater Italy’s aggression, when the League eventually legitimized the complete annihilation of the state’s political identity and recognized its annexation by Italy and transformation into Italian East Africa. Conversely, Mussolini justiied Italian expansion on the basis of being “denied” its “right” to “a place in the sun” like other colonial empires (Mack Smith 1976). Such rhetoric ghastly contradicted the League’s goal of establishing a rights-based collective body of international governance but also demonstrated the internal contradiction between such a system and the fact that a number of European states continued to maintain the status of colonial empires. 26. On the distinction between colonialism and imperialism, see Osterhammel (2005) and chapter 1 of the present volume. 394 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 27. It is signiicant in this sense how views of Albania within the Italian metropolitan and colonial administration difered. Most telling is how Jacomoni takes issue with Italy’s foreign minister Ciano for writing, in his personal diary, that the assumption of Albania’s crown by the House of Savoy meant the end of Albania’s independence. Jacomoni instead argues that the “union” between Italy and Albania represented a relationship of equals (1965: 153–168). Ciano, conversely, was concerned with maintaining the appearance of an independent state, while ensuring that the Italian government had a free hand in exercising control within the country, including picking the leadership (Fischer 1999: 5–58). 28. hese debates are reported at length in Boralevi (1986) and Fuller (1988). 29. No dei nitive numbers on Italian settlement in Albania exist. Fischer (1999) states that upon the collapse of the Fascist regime in 1943, 30,000 Italians lived in Tirana alone. Statistics cited by Misha (1970) indicate that in the period 1940–1941, over 51,000 Italian laborers came to Albania and 44,250 let , while between 1942 and 1943 the number of Italian workers luctuated anywhere between 7,000 and 13,000, based on the reports used. In the period 1939–1940, oicial igures cited by Misha suggest that approximately 190,000 individuals entered and 150,000 departed Albania through its main port, Durrës. 30. Italian architects had done similar work of adapting native forms to modern architecture in Africa as well, particularly Libya, but nowhere, according to my research, did they place symbols of national culture so centrally within a city. 31. In his magisterial and inluential volume L’Albania, the anthropologist Baldacci (1929) purported to provide a thorough ethnological study of Albanians, in which he prominently emphasized the ancient Illyrian origins of Albanians and the “ancient ties” existing between Illyrians and Romans. His descriptions particularly focused on the Albanian highlands, from whence Bosio apparently received his inspiration for the kulla replica. In any case, the stress on ancient ties between Rome and the Albanians found its way into other publications as well, while racial categories were much less prominent in discussions. Ancient Rome’s role in Albania became an explicit topic for the archaeologist Mustilli (1940). Studies by folklorists such as Bernardy (1941) and the publications of the Istituto nazionale di cultura fascista on Albania contained almost no references to racial categories (Ambrosini 1940; Morandi 1942). Ambrosini’s historical account situates Albania’s membership in the Italian Empire entirely within the historical context of what he describes as continuing historical ties between the two sides of the Adriatic and scantly and only supericially refers to race. he publications of the Centro studi per l’Albania established within the Italian Academy of Sciences were also entirely stafed by ethnologists and linguists with few ai nities to the epistemic categories promoted by Italian racial scientists such as Guido Landra, Marcello Ricci, and Lino Businco, who paid little attention to Albania but extensively disseminated racist conceptions of Africa through Rome’s Racial Oice and its journal, La difesa della razza (Pankhurst 2005). he inluence of scientiic racism on other academic disciplines was also curbed by the unsettled nature of the ield, its political instrumentalization by Mussolini, and its inability to become organized around a racial orthodoxy (Gillette 2002). Building the Cities of Empire · 395 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Conclusion Understanding Empire raewyn connell EMPIRE AND SOCIOLOGY he creation, crisis, and transformation of global empires is one of the basic facts of human social experience in recent time. What was truly the i rst world war stretched for about four hundred years, and by the end of it the armies of Europe and North America had conquered, or brought under indirect control, almost the whole population of the earth. New ways of living, once unimaginable, are still being generated by global social forces operating on the terrain created by the old empires. It is logical that sociology, conceived a century and a half ago as the general science of society, should be concerned with empire. hat has not always been recognized: the stories told to students about the discipline’s history oten read as if the sociolog ical imagination were walled up in Europe and North America. he impressive array of studies in this book provides a dei nitive proof that sociology has not been so narrow-minded. he narratives in Part 1, tracing the development of the discipline in each of ive imperial powers—Russia, France, Italy, Germany, and the United States—show signiicantly diferent pathways. But in every case, we can see sociologists involved, from the earliest days of the discipline, with issues about colonization, imperial power, hierarchies of race, “primitive” societies and their contrast with the “advanced,” social progress/development, and a host of related questions. he discipline has, as Steinmetz nicely puts it, many “entanglements” with empire. Indeed there are so many that this must be regarded as one of the formative issues in the making of sociology. From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 One consequence is the making of sociolog ical theories about empire— explanations of imperialism, classiications of empires, accounts of the dynamics of par tic u lar empires. he studies in Part 2 are examples of that kind of sociolog ical reasoning, showing particularly how it can illuminate the contemporary world and the contending strategies of the United States and China. he case studies in Part 3 provide empirical rei nements of the sociology of empires. Here we examine the diferent trajectories of par ticu lar colonies within the one empire, or the contrasts between empires, or sometimes their convergences. In these studies, sociology wrestles with the complexities of countervailing power, the ambiguous role of colonized elites, the dilemmas of imperial managers, the character of the colonial state, and the changing structure of colonial society. All this adds up to a large, and newly vigorous, branch of sociology. Yet the connection between sociology and empire does not end with the sociology of empire. here is also, if I can put it this way, empire in sociology. Sociology as an organized social practice, an institutionalized formation of knowledge, was created in the imperial centers at the high tide of direct imperial expansion. Sociology drew much of its signiicant data from the knowledge dividend of empire—from the imperial archive, as Semyonov, Mogilner, and Gerasimov note in their discussion of Kovalevski in chapter 2. As Go (in chapter 2) and Kurasawa (in chapter 6) demonstrate with a wealth of detail, an interest in empire and willingness to appropriate its data were as common among the i rst generation of sociologists under the presidents as under the czars. It would be extraordinary if the discipline’s concepts were not inluenced by this situation. Indeed they were and are. For instance, Zimmerman shows the formative traces of colonization and empire in the thought of Max Weber (see chapter 5). he comparative method that Durkheim saw as the heart of sociology is exactly the colonizer’s gaze on the colonized within the epistemology of empire. Coming forward to recent sociolog ical thought, presumptions of global diference, the centrality of the metropole, and appropriation of the experience of the colonized—that is to say, an imperialist epistemology—underlie the general theories put forward by Coleman, Giddens, and Bourdieu (Connell 2006). Sociology certainly has other possibilities. But the depth to which sociolog ical thought has been shaped by its location in empire should not be forgotten. h is is a realm where constant critique is needed. 490 · Conclusion From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 KNOWLEDGE ABOUT EMPIRE he discussions of empire in professional sociology exist, of course, in a larger context of public debate and social science. Sociolog ical perspectives are oten missing from this wider discourse. Global political economy is a signiicant case. he pioneering work of Amin (1969), whose Accumulation on a World Scale is still valuable forty years on, like the widely read work of David Harvey (2005), rest on a schematic class analysis that misses most of the social dynamics and elides the world of institutions. Even more strikingly, Hardt and Negri’s famous Empire (2000), which in the recent literature on globalization uniquely captures the violence, fear, and corruption generated by global power dynamics, deliberately downplays the arena of the social. hey argue that the “mediations” provided by civil society are withering away, that institutions from the family to the welfare state are in decline, and that postmodern change is sweeping all of human life into a grand confrontation between Empire and Multitude. Like Negri’s earlier work as a radical theorist and activist in Italy, this dispenses with empirical study of the social (Connell 2011). It rules out in advance such sociolog ical innovation as Stacey’s (2011) vivid cross-national study of changing family forms and the political struggles around them. Sociology is needed for an adequate understanding of contemporary empire as much as historical sociology is needed for understanding empires of the past. But whose sociology? he literature of the sociology of empires, like sociology in general, has mostly been written by white middle-class men in the global North. To make this observation is not a denunciation or a guilt trip. In my view, we should welcome contributions to these issues from any direction, including white middle-class men from the global North. But as sociologists, we should be willing to raise sociology-of-knowledge questions about our own formations of knowledge and join the decolonization of sociology proposed by Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Boatcă, and Costa (2010). Sociology is part of a global structure of knowledge production, which has a powerful tendency to centralize the theoretical moment of science in the global North and to create intellectual dependence or “extroversion” in the periphery (Hountondji 2002). h is hegemonized academic knowledge production is in tension with the social multiplicity of knowledge—opening questions about what Harding (2008) has called “sciences from below.” As sociologists concerned with empire, we have to recognize that knowledge about imperialism is not coni ned to the imperial powers. he colonized also know what is going on. And the intellectuals of colonized Conclusion · 491 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 societies work as hard as the intellectuals of the metropole to understand the process—perhaps harder, as it can be a matter of life and death for them. Several of the studies in this book call attention to the ideas of groups in colonized societies. In chapter 14, Chae speaks of the intellectuals of Korea under Japa nese imperial power, drawing on liberal and socialist ideas to contest the occupier’s ideology. In chapter 12, Gowda describes the governing elite of one of the princely states in British India, crat ing a developmentalist ideology from a position of political weakness. Goh describes the importance of Filipino resistance and collaboration for the shit ing strategies of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines (see chapter 17). Beyond these cases is a broad arena of thought about colonialism and contemporary empire that comes from anticolonial struggles, postcolonial critique, peace movements, global feminism, environmental struggles, and more. he knowledge and ideas that come from these sources is not easily merged with academic sociology. here are deep issures and contestations here, arising ultimately from the violence and the split culture of empire itself. For this reason, I consider a “ield” analysis of the sociology of empire not adequate to the terrain; to put it more bluntly, this would limit our intellectual resources to those conforming to a speciic Northern construction of the problems. here is more wealth—and more diiculty—to be found. It is perhaps in the tensions and synergies between diferently situated formations of knowledge that we i nd the best possibilities for new understandings of empire. SOUTHERN THEORISTS OF EMPIRE Let me give two examples of what is to be found by opening the lens wider: texts that have been accessible for a long time but are little noticed except by area specialists. he i rst is a book that was once much better known. It is called he hree Principles of the People (San Min Chu I) and is a transcription of lectures delivered in 1924 by Sun Yat-sen—replacing a book whose drat manuscript was destroyed in the civil wars that followed the overthrow of the Qing dynasty. Sun was not an academic social scientist; he was a medical doctor who became a political activist and briely president of the i rst Republic of China. In the 1920s, his party, the Kuomintang, was reorganizing and needed a statement of principles. Sun, nearing the end of his life, produced a complex text, part theory and speculation, part commentary on current affairs, part programmatic and organ izational. 492 · Conclusion From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 It is of interest in many ways, the most immediate being that it provides a brilliant conspectus of the world of imperialism in the early twentieth century, as understood by someone who had struggled against both internal and external empire, with many setbacks but also with notable success. Sun discusses population movements, economic domination, interventionist states, rival empires, war, and the disintegrating efect of outside imperialism on culture and politics in China. Sun is anti-imperialist to the boot heels. But he is also critical of simpleminded anti-Westernism, as seen in the Boxer movement. Sun is respectful of European culture (ofering, for instance, a perceptive critique of Rousseau). He develops arguments about how to combine Chinese tradition with European science and technology—long anticipating postcolonial theorists on “hybridity.” h is includes a concern with social technologies, such as divided-powers constitutions. Sun is also interested in other anticolonial movements, such as Gandhi’s noncooperation movement in India. here is more, including a critique of Marxism that raises issues about embodiment and the natural environment. Sun is no social radical; he has a traditional Chinese intellectual’s respect for social hierarchy and is antagonistic to unionism. But he ofers an extraordinarily interesting account of social dynamics in the periphery of the European empires, which is worth fresh attention. My second example, from the following decade, is a very diferent kind of text. In 1938 Jomo Kenyatta published Facing Mount Kenya: he Tribal Life of the Gikuyu. h is was a monograph in the style made famous by Malinowski (who contributed a preface) and in sociology by the Chicago School. It covered economic organization, kinship, religion, law, and so on, in an elaborate and sophisticated presentation of a non-European way of life. What made it unique in its day, and still unusual, is that it was a full-scale ethnography written by one of the subjects of the ethnography. Kenyatta was at the time a leading igure in Gikuyu politics. He had been chosen leader of his age cohort, became general secretary of the Gikuyu Central Association, launched the i rst Gikuyu journal, and was spokesman for the indigenous people at the colonial government’s inquiries on land issues. He became the leader of an independence movement and head of the postcolonial government, but in 1938 that was still in the future. What is really remarkable about Facing Mount Kenya is that Kenyatta was able to use the genre of a social-scientiic monograph to contest colonialism and thus reverse the usual complicity between social science and colonial administration. Conclusion · 493 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 h is is not only because he plainly narrates episodes of violence, deception, and greed on the part of the British colonizers, of a kind usually glossed over by ethnography at the time. More profoundly, Kenyatta contests colonialism’s disdain for the colonized—the root of all Northern social science’s discourse about “primitive,” “backward,” or “developing” societies—by turning social theory against colonialism. He picks up social-scientiic functionalism and says, in efect, here among the colonized we have a fully functioning and wellintegrated social system: “On concluding this study it cannot be too strongly emphasised that the various sides of Gikuyu life here described are the parts of an integrated culture. No single part is detachable; each has its context and is fully understandable only in relation to the whole” (p. 309). But the Europeans—who, Kenyatta observes, cannot even keep the peace in Europe—have set about wrecking this social order for their own purposes, and their guns and railways give them the power to do so. Facing Mount Kenya is, among other things, a remarkable literary achievement, a beautiful lament for the social worlds destroyed by global empire. Kenyatta’s successors are still struggling with the long-term consequences. SOUTHERN ISSUES: LAND AND GENDER One of the issues emphasized by Kenyatta is land. he Gikuyu, following generous local custom, had allowed the new arrivals the temporary use of land—and thus lost it. he British, Kenyatta argues, misinterpreted the Gikuyu land tenure system in other ways too that made it easier to expropriate land, especially the best land—“the land which was, and still is, the soul of the people” (1938: 213). Here Kenyatta was opening up a major issue about imperialism, which sociolog ical theory almost entirely misses. here is little about the land in mainstream sociology in any period, except in the marginal ield of rural sociology. h is is not a question of abstract “space” but of actual land (and for that matter sea) with its varied productive capacities and its densely layered social meanings. Anyone who is not familiar with the complex uses and meanings of land for an indigenous people, the way a speciic landscape is part of a changing social order, should read Somerville and Perkins’s wonderful (2010) Singing the Coast, based on the survival of a small indigenous community in eastern Australia. he seizing of land for occupation by a settler population, driving local people of it and shattering their social structure, is a constitutive operation of settler colonialism, as shown in Sol Plaatje’s ([1916] 1982) classic Native 494 · Conclusion From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Life in South Africa. he process also occurred on a vast scale in North America, Australasia, and the southern cone of South America. As Clarno shows in chapter 16, this process continues to characterize settler colonialism in contemporary Israel. A somewhat diferent process, the seizing of land without settlement, transforming colonized populations into plantation workforces, is the main economic basis of exploitation colonialism, from the sugar islands of the West Indies to the rubber plantations of Malaya. As Pula shows in chapter 13, the application of colonial power to urban land is also a feature of empire. he Italians did not get far, but the Spanish and British did, and modern New Delhi and Ciudad México are their legacy. he Chinese regime seems at the moment to be doing it internally, shattering and rebuilding cities such as Guangdong. As a good ethnographer, Kenyatta also talks about gender relations. He describes kinship, marriage and sexuality, and gender as a factor in politics and economics. Some of this is tough stuf: he acknowledges that Gikuyu women are excluded from government and diferentially valued— compensation for the death of a man was ten cows, for a woman three. Kenyatta defends female genital mutilation on the grounds that it makes girls marriageable, declaring the indigenous, not the missionaries, as the authorities on its meaning—a position some big men in postcolonial times also have adopted on gender issues. Here Kenyatta opened up another important and troubling terrain for the sociology of empire. he literature of this subject is almost wholly written by men, citing other men and rarely women. he topics it mostly deals with—states, elites, geopolitics, macroeconomics, war, conquest, and rule— are coded masculine in metropolitan culture or, to rephrase that, are popularly understood to be men’s business. But men oten do not notice the gendered character of men’s business; and that seems to be true of much of the sociology of empire. But empire is gendered. here is now a considerable feminist literature pointing this out, both historically and in relation to contemporary empire (Eisenstein 2009; Harcourt 2009). he workforce of conquest was overwhelmingly male. Conquest and land seizure shattered local gender orders, resulting in a centuries-long epidemic of rape and appropriation of women’s bodies for domestic labor. Gendered workforces were forcibly created in plantation economies and continue to be created today in maquiladoras and export processing zones. Missionaries conducted a worldwide ofensive against non-European sexualities and gender arrangements, which is Conclusion · 495 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 continued today in homophobic pogroms. Is this hard to see? he gender processes are in front of the eyes of any scholar looking at the documentation of colonial societies. As Ashis Nandy brilliantly showed in he Intimate Enemy (1983), empire also afects gender among the colonizers—reshaping images and practices of masculinity. here is growing research on the way colonizing powers set about creating patterns of masculinity among settler communities that were adequate to the task of imperial government, that is, holding subject races down. Morrell’s (2001) historical work on colonial Natal is a paradigmatic example. In fact, the whole subject of race relations in empire is inextricably bound up with gender and sexuality. he point is perfectly illustrated by the repressive laws introduced during the colonization of Papua New Guinea: the book by an Australian historian narrating the colonizers’ paranoia is pointedly called “Not a White Woman Safe” (Inglis 1974). NEW EMPIRE A great deal of efort has gone into understanding the structures of global power that crystallized ater the independence struggles and decolonization of South and Southeast Asia, northern and southern Africa, and the Paciic island colonies. Rightly so. he historical experience of Latin America showed that formal independence need not mean the end of colonial social structures, nor did it prevent the intrusion of new forms of external power, achieved irst by Britain and then by the United States (Cardoso and Faletto 1979). hough we can get lost in deinitional debates, I have no diiculty in seeing the late twentieth-century combination of investment from the metropole, trade dependence, military coercion, one-way cultural inluence, and political manipulation as a new form of empire. here are diferent kinds of empire, as Mann rightly argues in chapter 7, and particular empires have changed structurally in the past. Historians speak of the “second British empire,” and certainly the heaven-born bureaucrats of the late nineteenth-century Raj do seem to have operated a diferent system of power from the robber barons of the old East India Company. Still it was a ruthless empire, based on extremely brutal suppression of the independence movements of 1857. Any tendency to sentimentalize Victoria’s empire can be cured by contemplating what the same empire was doing to the indigenous peoples of eastern Australia at the time, to get its hands on wool, grain, and gold (Reynolds 1982). One of the concerns of this book is whether a new form of empire is currently being constructed. here are certainly pointers that way. Bergesen’s 496 · Conclusion From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 description in chapter 10 of Chinese intervention in Africa as “surgical imperialism” is one. h is does seem to have diferent characteristics from the Washington Consensus version of globalization—though the Chinese regime’s cold-blooded deals with local oligarchies and dictatorships strongly recall the U.S. regime’s deal making during the Cold War. Clarno’s careful comparison of the segregationist practices of the South African and Israeli regimes also suggests signiicant change. h is is not so much in the greater technical resources of the Israelis as jailers of an indigenous population. he selective murder of Palestinian activists can be matched in other cases, such as the Phoenix murder program run by the United States against the National Liberation Front in Vietnam. he novelty is more in the changing economic meaning of the segregation. In the context of global neoliberalism, Clarno argues, the Palestinians are becoming one more surplus population, unemployed and unemployable, rather than the labor force the regime needs. As close-focus studies of Palestinian communities show, the violent disruption of ties to the land, and the social order built on village agriculture, is a key to this situation (Hanai 2006). I have been interested in how the “metropole apparatus” of the old imperial centers, that is, the institutionalized capacity of colonizing societies to sustain imperial dominance, has increasingly shited into transnational space (Connell 2007). In chapter 8, Scheppele identiies one such mechanism: international law in the irst decade of the twenty-irst century, creating a permanent “state of exception” to facilitate the war on terror, with local regimes using the international agreements to legitimate domestic repression. If Scheppele is right about law and Clarno is right about the situation of the Palestinians, the combination points to a dynamic in the growth of the international security state, legitimating arbitrary power in relation to populations whom the international economy treats as rubbish people—and who are made landless whether by occupation, war, or economic pressure. he current hostility toward refugees and “illegal immigrants” in the United States, the European Union, and Australia suggests that a popu lar base for this mechanism is being created in the rich countries. Empires change, and the change is not necessarily predictable, if Mann’s diagnosis of the irrationality at the heart of U.S. military imperialism is right. But we can do a lot to understand what is happening, and that understanding can be an asset for democracy. he sociology of empire, as represented in this book, is opening up profoundly important issues with which social scientists and social movements need to engage. 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Bibliography · 573 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Contributors albert j. bergesen is professor and director of the School of Sociology, University of Arizona. Recent publications include “Frankian Triangles,” in Manning and Gills (eds.), Andre Gunder Frank and Global Development (Routledge, 2011); and “Geography and War,” in Chase-Dunn and Babones (eds.), he Handbook of WorldSystem Analysis (Routledge, in press). He is presently writing a book on the basic principles of geopolitics. ou-byung chae is assistant professor of sociology at Kookmin University, Seoul, Korea. As a historical sociologist, he is interested in modern colonialism, East Asian state formation, globalization, and cultural dif usion. His articles available in English include “Sociology in an Era of Fragmentation” (Sociological Quarterly 2002, with George Steinmetz) and “he ‘Moment of the Boomerang’ Never Came: Resistance and Collaboration in Colonial Korea, 1919–1945” (Journal of Historical Sociology, 2010), and “Homology Unleashed: Colonial, Anticolonial, and Postcolonial State Culture in South Korea, 1930–1950” (positions: east asia cultures critique, forthcoming). andy clarno is assistant professor of sociology and African American studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He is working on a book manuscript, he Empire’s New Walls, analyzing the walled enclosures that mark the urban landscapes of contemporary South Africa and Palestine/Israel. He has published two related articles based on this research: “A Tale of Two Walled Cities: Neoliberalization and Enclosure in Johannesburg and Jerusalem,” Political Power and Social heory 19 (2008) and “Or Does It Explode? Collecting Shells in Gaza,” Social Psychology Quarterly 72:2 (2009). raewyn connell is university professor at the University of Sydney, a fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia, and one of Australia’s leading social scientists. Her most recent books are Confronting Equality (2011), about social science and politics; Gender: In World Perspective (2009); and Southern heory (2007), From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 about social thought beyond the global metropole. Her other books include Masculinities, Schools & Social Justice, Ruling Class Ruling Culture, Gender & Power, and Making the Diference. Her work has been translated into i teen languages. She has taught at universities in Australia, Canada, and the United States, in departments of sociology, political science, and education. A long-term participant in the labor movement and peace movement, Raewyn has tried to make social science relevant to social justice. Details at www.raewynconnell.net. ilya gerasimov (Ph.D. in History, Rutgers University, 2000; Candidate of Sciences in History, Kazan University, Russia, 1998) is the executive editor of Ab Imperio, which is dedicated to studies of new imperial history and nationalism in the post-Soviet space; and director at the Center for the Studies of Nationalism and Empire (Kazan, Russia). His most recent books include Ethnic Crime, Imperial City: Practices of Self- Organization and Paradoxes of Illegality in Late Imperial Russia, 1905–1917 (under review); Modernism and Public Reform in Late Imperial Russia: Rural Professionals and Self- Organization, 1905–30 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Writing. Degree. he Naughties [in Russian] (Moscow: Novoe izdatelstvo, 2009). julian go is associate professor of sociology at Boston University. He is also editor of the journal Political Power and Social heory and Chair of the ComparativeHistorical Sociology Section of the American Sociological Association. His books include Patterns of Empire: he British and American Empires, 1688–Present (Cambridge University Press, 2011) and American Empire and the Politics of Meaning: Elite Political Cultures in the Philippines and Puerto Rico during U.S. Colonialism (Duke University Press, 2008). He is currently writing about postcolonial and global sociology. daniel p. s. goh is assistant professor of sociology at the National University of Singapore. He is the coeditor of Race and Multiculturalism in Malaysia and Singapore (2009), and his articles on culture and colonialism have been published in Comparative Studies in Society and History, the International Journal of Cultural Studies, Postcolonial Studies, the British Journal of Sociology, and positions: east asia cultures critique. His current research focuses on urban aspirations, heritage cultural politics, and the remaking of Hong Kong, Malacca, Penang, and Singapore in the age of Asian global city competition. chandan gowda is professor of sociology at Azim Premji University, Bengaluru. His interests include social theory, sociology of knowledge, contemporary South Asia, Indian normative traditions, and Kannada literature and cinema. In addition to his academic publications, he has written for newspapers and published translations of Kannada iction and noniction in English. He is presently completing a book on the cultural politics of development in the old Mysore state. krishan kumar is university professor, William R. Kenan Jr. professor and chair, at the Department of Sociology, University of Virginia. He was previously professor of social and political thought at the University of Kent at Canterbury, England. Among his publications are Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times (Blackwell, 1987), 1989: Revolutionary Ideas and Ideals (University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 576 · Contributors From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 he Making of English National Identity (Cambridge University Press, 2003), and From Post-Industrial to Post-Modern Society (2nd ed., Blackwell, 2005). He is currently working on a comparative study of Eu ropean empires. fuyuki kurasawa is associate professor of sociology, political science, and social and political thought at York University in Toronto, Canada. He is the author of he Ethnological Imagination: A Cross- Cultural Critique of Modernity (University of Minnesota Press, 2004) and he Work of Global Justice: Human Rights as Practices (Cambridge University Press, 2007). He is currently researching the history of Western visual representation of humanitarian crises. michael mann is distinguished professor of sociology at ucla. He has honorary doctorates from McGill University and the University of the Aegean and is an honorary professor at Cambridge University. Mann is the author of the fourvolume he Sources of Social Power: A History of Power from the Beginning to 1760 (1986); he Rise of Classes and Nation- States, 1760–1914 (1993); Global Empires and Revolution, 1890–1945 (2012); and Globalizations, 1945–2011 (2013). He has also published Incoherent Empire; Fascists; he Dark Side of Democracy; and Power in the 21st Century: Conversations with John Hall. He is the subject of John Hall and Ralph Schroeder (eds.), h e Anatomy of Power: h e Social h eory of Michael Mann. marina mogilner is research fellow at the Center for the Studies of Nationalism and Empire (Kazan, Russia) and a founder and editor of the international quarterly Ab Imperio. She got her Russian Candidate of Sciences degree in 1998 and a Ph.D. from Rutgers University in 2000. Her book, Mythology of the “Underground Man”: Russian Radical Microcosm in the Early Twentieth Century as an Object of Semiotic Analysis, came out in 1999 (in Russian), followed by Homo Imperii: A History of Physical Anthropology in Russia (2008). he revised English-language version of this book is due in March 2013 from Nebraska University Press. besnik pula is a postdoctoral researcher at the Center for the Study of Social Orga nization at Princeton University under the asa/nsf fellowship program. He received his Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Michigan and holds an M.A. in Russian and East Eu ropean Studies from Georgetown University. His work on colonialism, nationalism and empire has appeared in heory and Society and Nationalities Papers. His current research examines the relationship between socialist and postsocialist transformations and major shit s in the world economy since 1970. anne raffin is associate professor of sociology at the National University of Singapore. She is the author of Youth Mobilization in Vichy Indochina and Its Legacies, 1940–1970 (Lexington Books, 2005). She has written not only on colonial but also on contemporary Vietnam, and her recent publications include “Assessing State and Societal Functions of the Military and the War Experience in Doi Moi Vietnam” (Armed Forces and Society, 2011). Expanding her research to French colonialism in Asia, she is currently working on a manuscript entitled “Who Belongs to My Community? Cultural Particularism vs. the Universal Nation in French Colonial Pondicherry, 1870s–1914.” Contributors · 577 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 emmanuelle saada is associate professor of French, history, and sociology at Columbia University. Her i rst book was translated into English by the University of Chicago Press in 2012 under the title of Empire’s Children: Race, Filiation and Citizenship in the French Colonies. She is currently writing a book on the historiography of Eu ropean colonialisms. She is also working on a project on law and violence in nineteenth-century Algeria. marco santoro is associate professor of sociology at the University of Bologna. A research director at the Istituto Carlo Cattaneo (Bologna) and an associate member of the Centre européen de sociologie et de science politique (Paris), he has published widely in both Italian and English on professions, intellectuals, arts (especially music), the Maia, social theory, and the history of sociology. He is a founding editor of the journal Sociologica: Italian Journal of Sociology online and a member of the editorial boards of Poetics, Cultural Sociology, and the American Journal of Cultural Sociology. He is currently writing a book on the political dimension of Maias, and working on suicide and artistic consecration, on the Chicago School of sociology, and on the sociology of Italian sociology. He is also coediting, with George Steinmetz, a book on the global circulation of Bourdieu. kim lane scheppele is the Laurance S. Rockefel ler professor of sociology and international afairs in the Woodrow Wilson School and the University Center for Human Values as well as director of the Program in Law and Public Afairs, Princeton University. Ater 1989, Scheppele studied the emergence of constitutional law in Hungary and Russia, living in both places for extended periods. Ater 9/11, Scheppele has researched the efects of the international “war on terror” on constitutional protections around the world. In short, when the Berlin Wall fell, she studied the transition of countries from police states to constitutional rule-of-law states, and ater the Twin Towers fell, she studied the process in reverse. Her forthcoming book is called he International State of Emergency: he Rise of Global Security Law. alexander semyonov is professor of history at the Faculty of History, National Research University-Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg and a founder and editor of the international scholarly journal Ab Imperio: Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post- Soviet Space. He also teaches history at the Faculty of Liberal Arts and Sciences, St. Petersburg State University. He edited and authored: Empire Speaks Out: Languages of Rationalization and Self-Description in the Russian Empire (Leiden: Brill, 2009), in English; New Imperial History of the Post- Soviet Space (2004); Myths and Misconceptions in Studies of Nationalism and Empire (2010), in Russian. george steinmetz is the Charles Tilly Professor of Sociology at the University of Michigan. He wrote Regulating the Social: he Welfare State and Local Politics in Imperial Germany (Princeton University Press) and he Dev il’s Handwriting: Precoloniality and the German Colonial State in Qingdao, Samoa, and Southwest Africa (University of Chicago Press). He edited State/Culture (Cornell University Press), he Politics of Method in the Human Sciences (Duke University Press), and Sociology 578 · Contributors From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 and Empire (Duke University Press). He codirected the i lm “Detroit: Ruin of a City” (2005). Currently he is writing a history of the emergence of sociology in imperial settings. andrew zimmerman is professor of history at George Washington University. He is the author of Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany (University of Chicago Press, 2001) and Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton University Press, 2010). He is currently working on a global history of the American Civil War. Contributors · 579 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Index “1857 Mutiny” (India), 470 9/11 (September 11, 2001 terrorist attack, United States), 236–37, 241, 235– 75, 451 1984 (Orwell), 77 Abdel-Malek, Anouar, xi, xivn2 Aberle, David, xvn7, 46n6 Aborigines Protection Society, 182 Abrams, Elliot, 235 Abunimah, Ali, 439 Abyssinia: Italian colonialism in, 130 Académie des sciences d’outre-mer (France), 328 Accademia dei Lincei (Italy), 164n18 acculturation, 31 Accumulation on a World Scale (Amin), 491 Act in Restraint of Appeals (1533, England), 283 “active political colonization” (Schäle), 18–19 Act of Union (1707, Britain), 283 Adam, André, xi, 33, 46n2 Adams, Julia, 38, 45, 468, 485 Adas, Michael, 348 Addis Ababa (Ethiopia): as Italian colonial city, 368, 371, 381–88 Adorno, heodor, 183 Adwa (Abyssinia/Ethiopia): Italian defeat at, 107, 130, 160n2 Afghan istan, xiii, 452 Africa, 31, 166; China, relations with, 300–18 (chap. 10); partition of, 13, 18, 325. See also Berlin West Africa Conference; “Scramble for Africa” (second); individual countries African Americans, 177– 79, 182. See also “Negro Question” African Development Bank, 307 African Growth and Opportunity Act (United States), 225 African Union, 452 L’Afrique fantôme (Leiris), 31 Agamben, Giorgio, 450, 461; on “state of exception,” 446–47; on “zones of indistinction,” 446–47 agency of colonized (general), 345, 357, 399, 401 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), 225–26 agriculture. See plantations, smallholding Aguinaldo, Emilio (General), 474 aids, 225 Aitchison, C. U.: Native Princes of India, 365n32 ajs. See American Journal of Sociology Aksum obelisk (Ethiopia), 367 Alaska, 99 Alavi, Hamza, 37 L’Albania (Baldacci), 395n31 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Albania (Italian colony), 107, 154, 366– 95 (chap. 13); ethnographic representations of, 380, 382, 387– 90; fascism in, 373– 74; indigenous elites, role of, 375 Albright, Madeleine, 231 Algeria: China, relations with, 301; as French colony, 13–14, 32, 37, 65, 194, 208n6, 321–39 (chap. 11); Jews in, 50n37, 333; Kabyle in, 87, 194, 326; sociology in, 47n10. See also Algerian War Algerian War (French-Algerian War), 191 Algiers (Algeria), 321, 323, 327, 332–33 Alongi, Giuseppe: In Tripolitania, 132 Al Qaeda, 236–37 Alsace-Lorraine, 170, 325 Althusser, Louis, 37, 43 Amadori-Virgilij, Giovanni, 133; Il sentimento imperialista, 120–22 “American Century,” 241, 243 American Economic Association, 96 American Empire. See United States (American) Empire American Enterprise Institute, 232 American Historical Association, 95 American Indians. See Native Americans American Journal of Sociology (ajs), xi, xvnn7–8, 22, 84–86, 89, 91– 93, 97– 98, 102, 105n17, 133 American Oriental Society, 96 American Political Science Review, 96 American Revolution, 294 American Social Science Association, 104n7 American Sociolog ical Review (asr), 165n32 American Sociological Society, 83–84, 86, 92 American sociology. See United States: sociology Amin, Samir: Accumulation on a World Scale, 491 Ammon, Otto, 148 anarchism (Russian), 56, 69 ancient empires, 2, 11, 23, 28, 40–42, 50n40 Ancient Law and Village Communities in the East and West (Maine), 352, 365n29 Andalucia (Spain), reconquest of, 284 Anderson, Benedict: Imagined Communities, 280–81 Anderson, John, 479 Angell, Robert Cooley, x Angevin monarchy (England), 296n6 Angola: China, relations, 301–4, 316 Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 96 Annam: French colony, 324 Annamites (Indochina), representations of, 326 Année sociologique (journal, France), xivn2, 192, 208n6, 208n8, 134 anthropology: colonialism/imperialism and, 18, 29–32, 183, 188, 193, 196, 209n15, 326–27, 466, 470, 472, 474– 75; sociology and, xivn2, xvnn7–8, 1, 3, 29–32, 46n6, 49n29, 188–89, 190, 192, 206, 208n6. See also individual countries/empires anticolonial nationalism: in colonies, 26, 31–32, 102–103, 197, 398, 401, 410–12; in metropoles, 100, 102, 291– 92. See also anticolonial nationalism in individual countries; resistance of colonized antiglobalists, opposition to “new imperialism,” (Mann), 226 anti-terrorism. See “anti-terrorism laws” in individual countries; law: global security; United Nations, Security Council: Counter-Terrorism Committee; “war on terror” apartheid: in Palestine/Israel, 436, 439, 444; in South Africa, 38, 43, 436, 439–43, 454, 456 “Apartheid Wall” (Palestine/Israel), 445 Appadurai, Arjun, 44; “fear of small numbers,” 455–57 Appiah, Kwame Anthony, 343 Apter, Andrew, xiiin1 Aquitaine (France), 285 Arab countries: sociology in, 47n10 Arabism, 401 Aragon, kingdom of (Spain), 285 Archiv fur Sozialwissenschat und Socialpolitik (journal, Germany), 28 Archivio di psichiatria, scienze penali e antropolgia criminale (journal, Italy), 161n8 Arendt, Hannah, 23, 34, 44, 449 Argentina, 222, 235; anti-terrorism laws in, 257; Britain, relations with, 215–16 582 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Armitage, David, 283–84 Armitage, Dick (Richard), 234 Aron, Raymond, 33–34 asr. See American Sociolog ical Review Assab (Eritrea): Italian colony, 107 Asian Financial Crisis (1997), 223 Asianism, discourse: in Japan, 403–5; in Korea, 410–12 assimilation, 405; in American Philippines, 98– 99, 471– 74, 476, 479;“benevolent assimilation” (McKinley), 472; in French Empire, 50n37, 196–201, 206, 290– 91, 323–24, 334–37, 14n10, 419–20, 426–27, 433; in Germany, 35, 184; in Italian Empire, 373–5, 382, 390, 392; in Japa nese Korea, 404– 6, 409–12, 413n7, 414n9; in United States, 68, 91, 103, 104n5 Austen, Ralph, xiii Australia: indigenous peoples in, 20, 192, 194, 494, 496; sociology in, 9 Austria: sociology in, 47n10 Austro-Hungarian Empire, 12, 16–18, 26, 39, 42, 50n39, 281, 288, 377. See also Habsburg Empire “autonomy” (Clarno): in Palestine/Israel and South Africa, 437–39, 448, 461 autonomy of science, xvin12 L’Avanti (newspaper, Italy), 164n24 “axis of evil” (Frum), 233 d’Azeglio, Massimo, 286 Bagehot, Walter, 147 Bakongo people (French Congo), 36–37 Bakunin, Mikhail, 56 Balandier, Georges, ix, xivn2, 4, 45; Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique noire, 36–37; Sociologie des Brazzavilles noires, 37 Baldacci, Antonio: L’Albania, 395n31 Balkans, 377; crisis in (pre-WWI), 121 Bandits and Bureaucrats (Barkey), 38 Bantu Mining Corporation, 457 Bantu peoples (Africa), 154 bantustans. See South Africa: Bantustan system “Bantustization” (West Bank) 436, 439 Barkey, Karen, 45; Bandits and Bureaucrats, 38; Empire of Diference, 38 Barnes, Harry, 6 Bartlett, Robert, 284 Basques (Spain), 283, 285 Bastide, Roger, ix, xivn2, 1, 4, 32, 45 Bataille, Georges, 192 Baudrillard, Jean, 50n36 bbc (British Broadcasting Corporation), 240 Bearing Point (U.S. company), 239 Beccaria, Cesare, 112 Bechtel (U.S. corporation), 241 Bechuanaland (Botswana): as British protectorate, 85 Becker, Howard, 6, 104n6, 105n17 Bedouin, 90 Behemoth (Neumann), 34 “Beijing Consensus” (Bergesen), 301–2, 306–12 Bekhterev, Vladimir, 70– 71 Belgian Empire, 167, 182, 184–85, 307 Belgium: as Austrian colony, 39 Benelux countries, 184 “benevolent assimilation” (McKinley), 472 Bengal, 349 Benini, Rodolfo, 135 Bentham, Jeremy, 346, 363n20 Berbers. See Kabyle Bergesen, Albert, 496– 97; “Long Waves of Colonial Expansion and Contraction” (with Schoenberg), 302–3, 306 Berkeley, University of California at, 96 Berlin, Congress of, 377 Berlin, Isaiah, 167 Berlin University, xivn2, 19, 50n35, 174 Berlin Wall, 436 Berlin West Africa Conference, 49n20, 167, 183–84. See also Africa: partition of Berque, Jacques, ix, 4, 32, 44 Beuchat, Henri, 207n2 Bhabha, Homi, 45 Bhutto, Benazir, 271 Biko, Steve, 448–49, 457 Bin Laden, Osama, 231, 271 “biopower” (Foucault), 446, 455 Bishara, Marwan, 439 Bismarck, Otto von, 169– 70, 172 Blackman, W. F., 97 Blackmar, Frank Wilson xvn8 Index · 583 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Black Metropolis (Drake), xivn2 Blair, Tony, 231 “blowback” (Johnson), 44. See also “boomerang”; metropole Boas, Franz, 31, 137 Boatcă, Manuela, 491 Boer War, 83, 92 Bogolepov, M: he Paper Money, 82n17 Bolivia: as Spanish colony, 302, 307 Bologna, University of, 164n26 Bombay, University of, 20 Bonn University, 28 “boomerang,” colonial (Sartre), 15. See also “blowback”; metropole Bosco, Augusto, 113, 134, 136 Bose, Sugata, 341 Bosio, Gherardo, 386, 388, 395n31 Botswana, 457 Bouglé, Célestin, 207n2 Bourdieu, Pierre, xi, 191, 468, 471, 490; on “ields,” 4, 6, 40, 449; on French Algeria, 37, 208n6; on scientiic nomos, 6; Sociologie de l’Algérie, 37; status as sociologist, 6, ix de Bourmont, Comte (Louis Auguste Victor), 327 Boxer movement (China), 493 Brandenburg (Germany), 168 Brasini, Armando, 385 Brazil: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as “hybrid society,” 31; Indians in, 30; as Portuguese colony, 31 Bremer, Paul, 239 Brenner, Neil: “state space,” 437–38; rescaling of statehood,” 451; “reterritorialization,” 451 Brentano, Lujo, 169– 70, Breton, André, 192 Bretton Woods system, 217, 219, 249 bricolage (Lévi-Strauss), 32 Britain: Act of Union (1707), 283; Argentina, relations with: 215–16; “composite monarchy,” 283, 296n6; “internal colonization,” 285 (see also Ireland, Scotland, Wales); Peru, relations with, 215; political parties/groups: Conservative Party, 475–82, 485; Labor Party, 480–81; New Liberals, 22; “Little Englanders,” 291– 92, 297n15; Radicals, 22; social anthropology, 29; social evolutionism in, 473; sociology, 6, 18, 47n10; state formation, 284–87. See also British Empire; England; Ireland; Scotland; Wales British Empire, 18, 22–23, 53–54, 85, 167, 214, 217, 280–82, 288, 290– 91, 294, 302, 306, 312–18 British Empire, features: Colonial Oice, 48n19, 481, 483; colonial reformers in metropole, 182; ethnographic discourse in, 341, 380, 466, 468, 470, 473, 476, 481, 483; “free trade imperialism” of, 224, 314; India Oice, 64; indigenous elites, role of, 340– 65, 465–88; “indirect rule” in 12, 14, 38, 322, 341, 467– 68, 470, 472; native policy in, 465–88; “second British empire,” 496 British Empire, parts: Falkland Islands, 236–37; India, 14, 43, 65, 340– 65, 406, 469– 70, 492– 933, 496; Kenya, 493– 95, 50n36; Malaya, 465–88, 473 map 1; Malaysia, 92; Maldives, 236–37; Mysore (India), 340– 62; Natal, 496; Nigeria, 467– 70; Straits Settlement, 472, 474–84 British Raj. See British Empire, features: India Oice; British Empire, parts: India British Sociolog ical Society, 22 British South Africa Company, 85 Brittany (France), 285 Broca, Paul, 327 Brubaker, Rogers, 285, 337 Brunei: anti-terrorism laws in, 257 Brzezinsky, Zbigniew, 228 Buchanan, Robert W., xvn8 Buckle, Henry homas: Histoire de la civilization en Angleterre, 147 Bui Quang Chieu, 422 Bukharin, Nikolai, 10 Bulgaria: anti-terrorism laws in, 257 Bülow, Bernhard von (Chancellor), 176 Bureau of American Ethnology, 96– 98 Bureau of Indian Afairs (United States), 48 Burgess, Ernest: Introduction to the Science of Sociology (with Park), 11, 145 Burgess, John W., 96 Burgundian Empire, 42, 284 584 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Burgundy (France), 285 Bush, George H. W., 183, 228, 231, 449 Bush, George W., 183, 224, 228, 231–32, 236–37, 268 Businco, Lino, 395 Byelorussia (Belarus), 75 Caillois, Roger, 192 Calabria (Italy): as “barbarous,” 158 Calvé Souprayachettiar (school, French Pondicherry), 425 Cameroon: as German colony, 186n10; French colonialism in, 324 Camic, Charles, 118 Canada: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; Iroquois (indigenous group), 194; Kwakiutl (indigenous group), 83; in “the Quad,” 225–26 Capet, Hugh, 285 Capital (Marx), 14 capitalism, colonialism/imperialism and, 14–15, 22, 25–29, 35–39, 300–18 Ca ribbean: anticolonial protests in, 102; U.S. colonialism in, 95 Carli, Filippo, 114, 149 Carroll, Philip, 240 Carter, Jimmy (James), 228, 439 Cartesian rationality, 199–200, 202 Casa di Fascio (Albania), 382, 386 ig. 13.1, 387– 90 caste (India). See India: caste in; Hinduism Castile, kingdom of (Spain), 283, 285, 297n10 Catalonia (Spain), 283, 285 Catellani, Enrico, 136–37 Catholicism, 13, 180, 288 “Catholic” sociology (Italy), 165n34 Cattaneo, Carlo, 113 Caucasus, 61, 64– 66, 70, 80n5 Cavaglieri, Guido, 134–35, 137 centcom (United States Central Command), 238 Central America: U.S. colonialismin, 95 Central Intelligence Agency (cia, United States), 215, 232–34, 242 Centre Pompidou (France), 207 Centro studi per l’Albania (Italy), 395 Cesaire, Aimé, 401 Chad: China, relations with, 301, 316 Ch’aeho, Sin, 411 Chaehong, An 412 Chae, Ou-Byung, 492 Chaianov, Alexander, 76– 79; Journey of My Brother Alexey to the Land of Peasant Utopia, 77 Champagne, Duane, xv n8 Chanemougan (indigenous leader, French Pondicherry), 416–17, 422, 426, 432, 435n7 Character and Social Structure (Gerth and Mills), xii, 33 Chatterjee, Partha: “rule of colonial diference,” 21, 43, 48n14, 368, 370, 397– 98, 417 Chaudhry, It ikhar, 270 Chechnya: Russia, wars with, 259 Cheney, Dick (Richard), 230, 232, 234, 240–41 Chernov, Viktor, 69 Chicago School (sociology), 103, 168, 493 Chicago, University of, 67, 81, 85, 88, 96, 98, 101, 117 Chieu, Bui Quang, 422 Chieu, Gilbert, 422, 429 Chile: Pinochet regime, 222 China, 35, 130, 215; economic rise of, 227, 301, 305, 309, 311–12, 318; France, relations with, 325, 334; Japan, relations with, 215; sociology in, 9; “surgical colonialism” of, 300–18, 496– 97; United States, relations with, 40, 214, 228, 231, 242, 471. See also Chinese Empire; Republican Revolution; Sino-Japanese War; Taiping Rebellion; Xinhai Revolution Chinese Empire, 48, 242, 280, 295 Christianity, 25, 41–42, 182, 284, 297n13, 335, 364n27, 409. See also Catholicism; Crusades; Protestantism; religion Churchill, Winston, 231 Ciano, Galeazzo, 373– 74, 382, 395n27 Ciccotti, Ettore, 135 Cipriani, Lindo, 154 “City Beautiful” movement, 382 Ciudad México (Mexico City), 495 Index · 585 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 “civilizing” discourse, 20, 41, 44, 87, 99–100, 204, 206, 280, 289, 473. See also mission civilisatrice Civilizing Process (Elias), 166, 200, 333 Clarno, Andy, 497 Clementi, Cecil, 481–85 Cliford, Hugh, 479 Clinton, Bill (William Jeferson), 183, 228, 231, 233–34, 243 Coalition Provisional Authority (Iraq), 239 Cobbett, William, 298n15 Cochin China (French colony), 421 Code de la nationalité (France), 331 Code de l’indigénat (indigenous penal code, French Empire), 330 Codes Noirs (black codes, French Empire), 332 Cohn, Barney, xiii n1 Cohn, Bernard, 299n20 Colajanni, Napoleone, 111, 113, 120–22, 133, 137, 159, 161n6; Politica coloniale, 120–21; Razze inferiori e razze superiori: Latini e Anglosassoni, 121; Il socialismo, 121; Sociologia criminale, 121 Cold War, xivn4, 104, 215–16, 231, 250–51, 254, 456, 497 Cole, Fay- Cooper, 98 Coleman, James, 490 Coletti, Francesco, 111, 113, 132–33, 135–36; La Tripolitiana settentrionale e la sua vita sociale studiate dal vero, 132 collaboration of colonized, 38, 45, 392n17, 399–400, 406, 408, 412, 416, 421, 431, 433, 465–88, 492. See also elites, role of indigenous Collège Calvé (French Pondicherry), 425 Collège coloniale (French Pondicherry), 425–26 Collège de sociologie (France), 192 Collège du protectorat (French Vietnam), 430 Collier, James, 92 Collins, John, 459 Collins, Randall, 94 Colonial Congresses, 176 Colonial Institute (Germany), 177 colonialism: “borrowed colonialism” (Deringil), 396; dei nition of, 10–11, 43, 374, 397; “defensive colonialism” (Cumings), 396; “derivative colonialism” (Chae), Japa nese Empire as, 402–4; “dyadic” colonialism (Chae), Western colonialism as, 306; “excentric” theories, 2, 38, 400, 467– 68; “paternalistassimilationist colonialism” (Pula), in Italian Empire, 375, 381– 90; non-Western colonialism, distinctiveness of, 396; “racial colonialism” (Pula), in Italian Empire, 375, 381– 90; settler colonialism, 11, 306, 436– 64, 494– 95; “surgical colonialism” (Bergesen), China in Africa, 300–18, 496– 97; “triadic” colonialism (Chae): Japa nese Empire, 396–414; “waves” of (Bergesen and Schoenberg), 302–3, 306. See also colonial state; colonial violence; colonization; empire; imperialism; “rule of colonial diference” Colonial-Political Action Committee (cpac, Germany), 176 Colonial Sociolog ical Congress, 336 colonial state, 3, 12, 30, 39–45; ideal-types, 467– 71; neo-Weberian analyses of, 465– 67, 469, 484; postcolonial analyses of, 466, 468, 470; rational-choice analyses of, 485 “colonial structure” (Chae), 397– 99 colonial urbanism, 20; in India, 20; in Italian Empire, 366– 95 Le colonie Italiane in Isvizzera durante la guerra (Michels), 125 colonies, typologies: internal vs. informal, 282; settlement vs. exploitation, 18, 43, 324, 326 colonistics (Maunier), 31 colonization: as distinct from colonialism, 11; “internal colonization,” 168, 170– 73, 176– 77, 183, 185, 285, 321; “passive colonization” vs. “active political colonization” (Schäle), 18–19; “scientiic colonization” (Derburg), 177 Colonizing Egypt (Mitchell), 39 Columbia University (United States), 85, 90, 101, 103, 105n8 586 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Comarof, Jean and John, xiiin1 Comitato Italiano per lo studio delle popolazioni, 154 Commissione per le colonie (Italy), 107, 160n1 communes (administrative divisions, France), 420 “communicative action” (Habermas), 183–84 Communist Academy (Soviet Union), 79 Communist International, 410 Compania Mexicana de Petroleo Aguila, 149 comparative methodology, 20, 86–87, 90 “composite monarchies” (Kumar), 283, 296n6 comprador class, 215, 223 Comte, Auguste, 8, 13, 44, 63, 191; 208n4, 350; Cours de philosophie positive, 13 Concept of the Political (Schmitt), 182–83 Concert of Eu rope, 377 Condorcet, Marquis de, 191; Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind, 208n4 Conference of Ambassadors, 377 Confucianism, 180 Cong Luan (newspaper, French Vietnam), 422, 429–30 Congo, 175: Bakongo people in, 36–37; as Belgian colony, 182, 184–85; China, relations with, 301, 307; as French colony, 36–37; United States’ recognition as independent, 378 Congo Free State, 183 Congo Reform Association, 182 Congress of Arts and Sciences (United States), 84, 97, 105n14 Congress of Berlin, 377 Congress of Colonial Studies (Italy), 163n16, 164n22 Connell, Raewyn (R. W.), xi, 85–88, 104n3, 161n5, 208n3; “metropole apparatus,” 497 Conoco (U.S. corporation), 239 consciencism, 401 conseils municipaux (administrative divisions, France), 420 Conseil supérieur des colonies (France), 419 Cooley, Charles, 88, 92, 97 Cooper, Frederick, 291, 294– 95, 326, 415 Cornell, Stephen E., xvn8 Cornell University (United States), 85, 96– 97 Corradini, Enrico, 148, 164n4 Corsica: independence movements in, 322 Cosentini, Francesco, 111, 113 cosmopolitanism, 41 Costa, Sérgio, 491 cour de cassation (France), 419 Cours de philosophie positive (Comte), 13 C.P.S.U. (Communist Party of the Soviet Union), Central Committee: History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course, 80 “crackpot realism” (Mills), xii–xiii Crime and Punishment, Achievement and Reward (Sorokin), 72 Criminal Sociology (Ferri), 144 Crispi, Francesco, 130–31, 163n17 Croce, Benedetto, 111, 161n6 Cromer, Lord (Evelyn Baring), 214 Crusades: state formation and, 284. See also Christianity; religion Cuba: as Spanish colony, 85; U.S. occupation of, 85, 95, 98– 99, 481 Cumings, Bruce: “defensive colonialism,” 396 Dalberg-Acton, Lord (John Emmerich Edward), 293 Damaras (Namibia), 90 Darwin, Charles, 141, 147 datsu-A (discourse, Japan), 403 Davis, Mike, 460 Davis, Uri, 439 Davy, George: From Tribe to Empire (with Moret), 29 “decentralized despotism” (Mamdani), 38, 470 Decline of the West (Spengler), 26 decolonization, 36, 38, 109, 379, 483–84, 496 “defensive colonialism,” 396 degeneration, discourse of, 26, 158 Dell’Acqua, Enrico, 163n17 De Marinis, Enrico, 122, 133, 136 De Martiis, Salvatore Cognetti, 122 Index · 587 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Democracy and Empire (Giddings), 100–101 Democracy in America (Tocqueville), 14 “democratic empire” (Giddings), 101, 103 “demographic imperialism” (Michels), 125–26 demography, 115–16, 125–26, 132, 135, 151, 159, 162n10, 363n17 “denationalization” (Sassen), 450–51 dependency theories, 35, 44, 309 Deringil, Selim: “borrowed colonialism,” Ottoman Empire, 396 “derivative colonialism” (Chae): Japa nese Empire as, 402–4 Dernburg, Bernhard, 176; “scientiic colonization,” 177 Derrida, Jacques, 183–84 Der Staat (Oppenheimer), 27 development, discourse: in British India, 340– 65 Dharma, discourse (India), 354–55 Diaz, Pori rio, 149 Diderot, Denis, 192 La difesa della razza (journal, Italy), 395n31 Dirks, Nicholas, 299n20, 415 Di Rudinì, Antonio, 130 Discourse on the Origins of Inequality (Rousseau), 191 Dodecanese Islands (Greece): Italian colonialism in, 107 Doha Development Round (wto), 225–26 “dollar diplomacy” (Mann), 215 “dollar seigniorage” (Mann), 216–20, 229–30, 243 Dong-A University (Korea), xiiin1 Dragomanov, Mikhailo, 60 Drake, St. Clair, ix, xivn2; Black Metropolis, xivn2 Dreyfus afair, 20, 208n7 Duara, Prasenjit, xiiin1 Du Bois, W. E. B., 86, 137, 177, 182, 449 Dulivier, Pierre, 420 Durand d’Ubraye (governor, French Pondicherry), 425 Durkheim, Emile, 13, 20, 29–31, 59, 87, 128, 134, 163n13, 166, 188–209, 336, 490; Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 20, 192, 194; Evolution of Educational hought, 209n14; “mechanical solidarity,” 194; Moral Education, 198; “organic solidarity,” 194; Rules of Sociolog ical Method, 201 Durkheimian School, 188–209; anthropology and, 192, 194– 95, 205; critique of colonialism/imperialism, 197– 98, 201–3; cultural relativism of, 201–2; Enlightenment, inluence of, 190– 92, 199, 202; French republicanism and, 195, 199–200; on Native Americans, xvn8; Romanticism, inluence of, 190– 92, 200, 202; “scientiic humanism” of, 191; scienticism of, 195– 96; social evolutionism and, 203–5 Dutch Empire, 38–39, 281, 291, 468, 472 Dutt, R. C., 342, 345 “dyadic” colonialism (Chae): Western colonialism as, 306 Eagle Oil Company, 149 East India Company (eic; Britain), 417, 496 Eberhard, Wolfram, 41 École colonial (France), 328–29 École normale supérieure, 6 École pratique des hautes études (France), 68 Economia politica (Loria), 123 Economy and Society (Weber), 24–26 Egypt, 39; as British colony, 214; sociology in, 47n10 Egyptian Empire, 147 Eichengreen, Barry, 243 Einaudi, Luigi: A Merchant Prince: A Study of Italian Colonial Expansion, 163n17 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 228 Elementary Forms of Religious Life (Durkheim), 20, 192, 194 Elementi di scienza politica (Mosca), 112, 129, 163n18 Elias, Norbert, 186: Civilizing Process, 166, 200, 333 elites, role of indigenous,102, 221, 274, 302, 398–401: in American Philippines, 39, 465– 88; in British India, 340– 65, 470; in British Malaya, 465–88; in French Empire, 415, 421, 422, 433; in Italian Albania, 375; in Japa nese Korea, 408–12. See also collaboration of colonized 588 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Elkin, W. B., 98 Ellis Island (United States), 81n6 empire: dei nition of, 9, 213, 280; direct empire, 214; “empire of bases,” 48; empires of domination” (Mann) 41–43, 48n17; forms, 43–44; hegemony as form of empire, 216–17; indirect empire, 214 (see also “indirect rule”); “informal empire,” xivn4, 33, 43, 214, 228–43; military relation to, xvn9, 214–15, 227–44; nation-states relation to, 3–4, 17, 21, 48n19, 251–52, 279– 99; periodizations of (waves, cycles, etc.), 4, 13–44, 281–82, 302–3, 306; “territorial empires” (Mann), 41–43; “world state” (Tarde), 21. See also colonialism; colonies; colonization; imperialism; individual countries’ empires (e.g., British Empire, German Empire) Empire (Hardt and Negri), x, 250, 436, 449–51, 491 “empire of bases,” 48 Empire of Diference (Barkey), 38 “empires of domination” (Mann), 41–43, 48n17 “enclosures” (Palestine/Israel), 443–46, 453– 60 Energy Task Force (United States), 238 Engels, Friedrich, 169 England: Act in Restraint of Appeals (1533), 283; Angevin monarchy, 296n6; Norman Conquest, 284 “Englishness,” 287 Enlightenment thought, 55, 58, 190– 92, 199–200, 202, 281, 293, 364n27, 365n31, 394n23 Ente Italiana agricolo Albania (eiaa, Italy), 374 environmentalists, opposition to “new imperialism” (Mann), 226 epistemology, xi, xiv, 62, 91, 192, 400, 490 Equatorial Guinea: China, relations with, 301 Eritrea: as Italian colony, 107, 139, 368, 371– 72 Erzberger, Matthias, 176 Espinas, Alfred, 68 Estland (Estonia), 80 Etherington, Norman, 105n16 Ethiopia: “ethnic zoning” in, 368– 69, 381, 383; as Italian colony, 154, 156, 366– 95; Italian defeat in (Adwa), 107, 130 ethnographic discourse, 13, 31, 39, 45, 128, 131, 206, 469, 471, 484–5; in Britain, 341, 380, 466, 468, 470, 473, 476, 481, 483; in France, 18, 190– 96, 206, 208n6, 327–28, 470; in Germany, ix, 175, 177, 183–84, 186n8, 468; Italy, 13, 112, 127, 132–35, 139, 142, 151, 154, 380, 382, 387, 389, 390; in Russia, 57, 63– 65, 68, 70, 73, 80n4; written by “the colonized,” 493– 95 Ethnological Survey of the Philippines (United States), 98 ethnology, xivn2, 26, 46n2, 83–84, 97– 98, 188, 195– 96, 199, 204–5 ethno-sociologists, 26, 29–32 eugenics movement: in Italy, 115–16, 124–25, 134; Eugenics Education Society, 162n9; International Congress of Eugenics, 116, 145 Eu ropean Commission, 50n34 Eu ropean Union (eu), 297, 452; as bloc with Russia, 316–18; as form of empire, 50n34; in “Mideast Quartet,” 445, 454; in “the Quad,” 225–26 Evans-Pritchard, E. E., 183 L’evolution de la morale et sociologie après l’ethnographie (Letourneau), 142 evolutionism, social. See social evolutionism Evolution of Educational hought (Durkheim), 209n14 “excentric” theories of colonialism, 2, 38, 400, 467– 68 Exposition universelle (Paris), 145 Facing Mount Kenya: he Tribal Life of the Gikuyu (Kenyatta), 493– 95 “faith-based analysis” (United States), 232 Falkland Islands: as British colony, 236–37 Fang people (Gabon), 36–37 Fanno, Marco, 123 Fanon, Frantz, 32, 399, 401 Farsakh, Leila, 439–40 Index · 589 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 fascism, 297n14, 392n15, 412; and colonial urbanism, 368, 371; in Germany, 297n14; Italian Empire and, 109, 155, 297n14, 372– 76; in Japan, 297n14, 410 Fauconnet, Paul, 207n2 Federici, Nora, 116 Feith, Douglas, 232, 234 feminists, opposition to “new imperialism” (Mann), 226 Ferdinand, Archduke (Franz), 318 Ferguson, Niall, 282, 284–85 Ferrari, Celso, 164n21 Ferrero, M. Guglielmo, 111, 113–14, 120, 130, 137, 141–42 Ferri, Enrico, 111, 113–14, 133, 137, 149, 161n6, 161n8, 164n24; Criminal Sociology, 144 Fiamingo, Giuseppe, 133 Field house, D. K. (David), 298n14 “ields” (Bourdieu), xvn10, 4, 6, 40, 449 “Filipinization” policies (American Philippines), 479, 481–82 i nance capital, 218–20, 227, 230, 235 Finland, 298n14 First World War. See World War I Florence, University of, 116, 160n1, 162n11, 163n16, 164n22 Forbes, Cameron, 478–80 Fortunatov, Aleksei, 76 Foucault, Michel, 39, 326, 370, 464n4; on “biopower,” 446, 455; on “governmentality,” 363n17 France: absolutist monarchy in, 283; anthropology in, 326–27; anticolonialism in, 292; anti-terrorism laws in, 257; China, relations with, 325, 334; Code de la nationalité (France), 331; Commission for the Abolition of Slavery, 239–30; “dangerous classes” in, 324– 25; immigration in, 337; internal colonization in, 321; nation-state concept in (Brubaker), 337–38; “racial science” in 327; republicanism in, 190, 195, 199–200, 206, 288, 336, 338, 416, 420–23, 427; social evolutionism in, 142, 190– 91, 203– 6, 209n14, 326, 331, 334; socialism in, 197– 98, 208n7, 208n11, 219; sociology in 2, 6, 18, 36–37, 47n10, 188–209; state formation in, 284–86, 297n9, 297n11; WWI, repatriation of French nationals for, 416, 428, 431. See also FrancoPrussian War; French-Algerian War; French Empire; French Revolution Franco-Prussian War, 170, 191, 292, 325 Frankfurt University, 29 Frazer, James George, Sir: he Golden Bough, 209n15 Frazier, E. Franklin, ix, xivn2 “free labor,” as problem (Germany), 168– 70, 171– 73 free trade, 22–23, 36, 146, 169, 214, 224–27, 234–35, 314, 316, 344, 445, 450–51, 471– 72. See also “free trade imperialism”; “Imperialism of Free Trade” (Gallagher and Robinson); North American Free Trade Agreement (nafta); Free Trade Area of the Americas Free Trade Area of the Americas, 227 “free trade imperialism,” 224, 314, 316–17, 400 Frederick the Great, King (Prussia), 168 Freiburg, University of, 173 French-Algerian War, 191 French Anthropological Society, 327 French Colonial Congress, 18 French Empire, 18, 85, 167, 188–209, 281, 302, 306, 316; French Empire, features: assimilation in, 50n37, 196–201, 206, 290– 91, 323–24, 334–37, 414n10, 419–20, 426–27, 433 (see also mission civilisatrice); “association” in 14, 324, 413n7, 413n10; “citizens” vs “subjects,” 330–35; Code de l’indigénat (indigenous penal code), 330; Codes Noirs (black codes), 332; Colonial Oice, 48n19; “colonial science” in 328–29; colonial state formation in, 415–35; decline of, 281–82, 322; demographic, 326; École coloniale, 328; ethnographic discourse in, 18, 190– 96, 206, 208n6, 327–28, 470; indigenous elites, role of, 415, 421, 422, 433; law in, 329, 331, 335–37, 339n4; Ministère des colonies, 324; mission civilisatrice in, 199–201, 285, 288, 338, 416; native policy in, 414n10, 415–35; race in, 327–28, 334–38; “Second Empire,” 323–24, 418; settlement in, 590 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 325–26; sexual relations in, 326, 434n4; slavery in, 323, 329–30, 332, 336; sovereignty in, 321–24, 331; violence in, 194, 198– 99 French Empire, parts: Algeria, 13–14, 32, 37, 65, 191, 194, 208n6, 321–39; Annam, 324; Cameroon, 324; Cochin China, 421; Commores Islands, 322; Congo, 36–37; French Austral and Antarctic Territories, 322; French India, 333 (see also Pondicherry); French Polynesia, 322; Guadeloupe, 322, 333, 418; Guyana, 333, 418; Indochina, 324, 334, 416, 420–21; Laos, 324; Lebanon, 324, 415; Madagascar, 329; Martinique, 333, 418; Mauritius (Ile de France), 323; Morocco, 197– 98, 208n11, 324, 338n2, 339n3; New Caledonia, 30, 322, 325–327, 330; North Africa, 38, 324; Overseas Departments (Départments d’Outre- mer), 322; “overseas territories” (territoires d’outre- mer), 322, 418; Pondicherry, 415–35; Réunion (Bourbon Island), 323, 333, 418; Saint-Pierre and Miquelon, 322; Senegal, 323, 333, 335, 418; Syria, 324, 415; Tonkin, 324; Tunisia, 324, 338n2, 339n3; Vietnam, 415–35; Wallis and Futuna Islands, 322 French Historical Studies (journal, United States), 47n11 French Institute of Black Africa (ifan), 46n5 French Orga nization for Colonial Scientiic Research (orsc), 46n5 French Revolution, 80n1, 191, 199, 285, 288, 293, 331–32, 418 Freyre, Gilberto, 31, 45 From Tribe to Empire (Moret and Davy), 29 Frum, David, 239; “axis of evil,” 233 futurism (Italian), 110 G-20 countries, 226 Gabon: China, relations with, 301; Fang people in, 36–37; as French colony, 36 Gallagher, John (with Robinson): “Imperialism of Free Trade,” 214, 313, 315, 400 Gall, Franz Joseph, 141 Gamborov, Iurii, 68 Gandhian popu lism (Gandhism), 102, 401, 412 Gandhi, Mahatma (Mohandas Karamchand), 102, 357–59, 413n2, 493 Ganguli, B. N., 343 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 130 Garofalo, Rafele, 116, 135, 137, 139–40, 162n9 Garroutte, Eva Marie, xv n8 Gascony (France), 285 Geddes, Patrick, 18 Gellner, Ernst: Nations and Nationalism, 280–81 gender economics, 76 gender: empire and, 38, 495– 96 General Agreement on Tarif s and Trade (gatt), 224, 226 “genetic” sociology (Kovalevsky), 64, 67 Geneva Accord (Israeli-Palestinian conl ict), 459 Genus (journal, Italy), 161 Geography (Kant), 394n23 geopolitics: colonialism’s/imperialism’s relation to, 23–24 Gerasimov, Ilya, 490 German Colonial Congress, 175 German Empire, 18, 26, 50n38, 167– 68, 185, 281, 377; features: assimilation, 35, 184; ethnographic discourse, ix, 175, 177, 183–84, 186n8, 468 German Empire, parts: East Africa, 176; Cameroon, 186n10; Namibia, 186n10; Southwest Africa, 176; Tanzania, 175, 186n10; Togo, 175– 77, 186n10 German Sociolog ical Association, 46n7 German Sociolog ical Congress, 181 German political parties: Catholic Center Party, 176; National Social Party, 172; National Socialist Party, 185; Social Democratic Party, 8, 169, 172 Germany: Colonial Oice in, 48, 177; defeat in World War I, 166– 67, 182, 185; emigration from, 169; fascism in, 297n14; “free labor,” problem of, 168– 73; German Employment Law (1869), 169; “internal colonization” in 168, 170– 73, 176– 77, 183, 185; internal migration within, 169, 171; national economists, 167– 68, 175– 76; Index · 591 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Germany (continued) nation-state concept (Brubaker), 337–38, 339n6; Poles, treatment of, 167– 68, 171– 74, 178–81, 185; social democracy in, 8, 169– 70, 173, 178, 408; social evolutionism in, 183; socialism in, 169; sociology in, x, xivn4, 2, 4, 6–8, 18, 23–26, 28, 86, 166–87; on race, 171–82, 185; state formation, 42, 284, 286. See also German Empire; Nazi Germany; Verein für Sozialpolitik (Social Policy Association); Weimar Republic Germany, Prussia, 42, 178, 286; political igures: Frederick the Great, King, 168; vom Steim, Karl, Baron, 168; Wilhelm, Friedrich, III, 168; Prussian reform movement, 168; Prussian Settlement Commission, 170– 72, 179, 183 Geronimo (United States), 84 Gerth, Hans: Character and Social Structure (with Mills), xii, 33 Giddens, Anthony, 490 Giddings, Franklin, 18, 84–86, 90, 92, 96–101, 103, 105n8; Democracy and Empire, 100–101; “democratic empire,” 101, 103; Elements of Sociology, 11; Scientiic Study of Human Society, 103 Gikuyu Central Association (British Kenya), 493 Gikuyu people (British Kenya), 493– 95 Gilani, Yousuf Raza, 271 Gillen, Francis James, 194 Gini, Corrado, 27, 44, 107–8, 111, 113–15, 117, 135, 150–57, 159, 162nn9–10, 164nn21–22, 164n26, 165nn30–32; Prime linee di patologia economica, 165n32; “social metabolism,” 153 Ginsberg, M., 13 globalization, 294, 450, 453–4, 497; economic, 245, 239, 249, 251–52; theories of, 250–52, 491 Gluckman, Max, 29 Go, Julian, 39–40, 45, 449 Goh, Daniel, 45, 492 Gokhale, G. K., 342, 345, 362n12 he Golden Bough (Frazer), 209n15 Goudsblom, J., 8 “governmentality” (Foucault), 363n17 governors, colonial, 466– 67, 481, 485 Gowda, Chandan, 492 Gramsci, Antonio, 113, 161n6, 163n14, 216 “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere,” 213, 411. See also Japa nese Empire “Great Japa nese Empire,” 413n4 “Great Power” wars, 316–17 Great War. See World War I Grimmer-Solem, Erik, 177 Großräum/Großräume (Schmitt), 33–34, 185, 379. See also nomos/nomoi Groppali, Alessandro, 113 Guadeloupe: as French colony, 322, 333, 418 Guam: as U.S. colony, 95 Guantanamo Bay (detention camp), 452 Guillemard, Laurence, 479, 482 Guinea: as French colony, 85 Gulf War, 436, 448 Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 4, 9, 12, 15–17, 44–45, 63, 94, 113, 134, 155 “gunboat diplomacy,” 402 Guru, Narayana, 358 Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Encarnación, 491 Guyana: as French colony, 322, 333, 418 Habermas, Jürgen, 167, 185–86; on “communicative action,” 183–84; on “lifeworld,” 184 Habsburg Empire, 42, 63, 288, 291, 293– 94. See also Austro-Hungarian Empire Haeckel, Ernst, 141 Haiphong (French Vietnam), 415, 420, 430 Halbwachs, Maurice, 207n2 Halliburton (U.S. corporation), 240 Hamas, 454 Hamburg (Germany), 177 Han, Suk-Jun, xiiin1 Hanoi (French Vietnam), 415, 420, 427–28, 430 Harding, Sandra, 491 Harding, Warren, 480–81 Hardt, Michael: “deterritorialization” (with Negri), 449–51; Empire (with Negri), x, 250, 436, 491 Harper, Samuel, 81 Harris, John H., 182 Harris Foundation (United States), 151 Harrison, Francis, 479 592 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Harvard University, 28, 48n16, 117 Harvey, David, 491; “time-space compression” 457 Hastings, Warren, 364n22 Haushofer, Karl, 34 Hawaii: U.S. annexation of, 85, 95– 99, 214 Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (hipc) Initiative, 225 Hebrew society, ancient, 87 Hebrew University, 8 Hegel, G. W. F. (Georg), 17 Hegelianism: in Italy, 161n6; in Russia, 56 hegemony: as form of empire: 216–17; stages of, 315–18 Heidelberg, University of, 50n36 Heilbron, J., 8 Henry VIII (King, England), 283 Herder, J. G. (Johann Gottfried), 39, 44, 200 Hermassi, Elbaki, 38 Herskovits, Melville, 31, 38, 45 Hertz, Robert, 207n2 Hezbollah, 229 Hilferding, Rudolf, 10 Hinduism, 180, 348–49, 355–56, 364n24, 365n33, 416–19, 422–27, 432, 435n7 Hintze, Otto, 10, 23–24, 43 Hirobumi, Itō, 403, 468 Histoire de la civilization en Angleterre (Buckle), 147 historical sociology, x, xi, 2–3, 12, 24, 36, 42, 44, 48n19,104n4, 465, 468, 491 History and heory (journal, United States), 47 History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course (C.P.S.U.), 80 Hitler, Adolf, 231, 235 Hobbes, homas, 55, 81n6 Hobhouse, Leonard, 13, 23, 45 Hobsbawm, Eric, 47n11, 298n19 Hobson, J. A., 4, 10, 13, 18, 41, 44, 100, 105n16, 125, 136, 220, 290– 93; Imperialism, 22, 24 Hollander, Jacob, 96 Holy Roman Empire, 283, 288, 292, 296nn4–5 Homer: Odyssey, 183 Hong Kong, 481 Horkheimer, Max, 183 Horowitz, Donald, 428 Horsman, Reginald, 287 Hrushevsky, Mykhailo, 70 Hubert, Henri, 207n2 Huerta, Victoriano, 149–50 Hull, Cordell, 215 human geography, 46n2 “humanitarian interventionism” (Mann), 228 , 231, 234 L’humanité (newspaper, France) 208n7 human rights, 231, 265, 269. See also United Nations human sciences. See social sciences Human Terrain Project (United States/ Afghan istan), xiii Husband, W. W., 81n6 Hussein, Sadam, 215, 228, 230, 236–38, 242 hybridity, 29–31, 197, 493. See also métissage; mimicry; syncretism; transculturation “Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Intent” (Kant), 167, 185 “ideal types” (Weber), 166 Igorots (Philippines), 84, 100 Imagined Communities (Anderson), 280–81 Imperialismo artistico (Morasso), 120 Imperialismo Italiano (Michels), 120 “imperial formation” (Stoler), 449 imperialism, 22–23, 28–29, 184–85; dei nition of, 9–10; economic imperialism, 215–27, 230, 243–44, 249, 251–52; “free trade imperialism,” 224, 314, 316; “informal imperialism,” 43; “social imperialism,” 45 “imperial nationalism,” 282, 286– 90 “Imperialism of Free Trade” (Gallagher and Robinson), 214, 313, 315–16, 400 “imperialism of the weak” (Kim): Japa nese Empire as, 396 “imperial overreach,”44, 313–14 Import Substitution Industrialization (isi), 217, 222 Incan Empire, 147 Incoherent Empire (Mann), 42–43, 229 incommensurability,” cultural, 39 Index · 593 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Inden, Ronald, 348 India: “1857 Mutiny,” 470; anticolonial nationalism in, 26, 102, 401, 412, 413n2; as British colony, 14, 43, 65, 340– 65, 406, 469– 70, 492–3, 496; caste in, 355–56, 364n24, 365n33; economic rise of, 227; as French colony, 333, 415–35; gender, 355–56; Japan, relations with, 349–50, 364n26; Mysore, 340– 65; social evolutionism in, 350–53;sociology in, 9, 20; swadeshi movement in, 362 Indiana University, 89, 96 Indian Oice (Britain), 64 indigenous peoples (general), opposition to “new imperialism” (Mann), 226 indirect empire, 214. See also “indirect rule” “indirect rule,” 12, 14, 38, 322, 341, 400, 467– 68, 470, 472 Indology, 348 “informal empire,” xivn4, 33, 43, 214, 228–43 Inglis, Amirah: “Not a White Woman Safe,” 496 Institut d’ethnologie (France), 208n9 Institute of Red Professorship (Soviet Union), 79 Institut international de sociologie, 117, 123, 135, 139, 144–45, 156 “internal colonization,” 168, 170– 73, 176– 77, 183, 185, 285, 321 International Association for Promotion of Science, Art, and Education, 68 International Colonial Institute (Brussels), 328 International Congress of Arts and Science, 178– 79 International Congress of Eugenics, 116, 145 International Congress of Sociology, 155 International Monetary Fund (imf), 219–23, 303, 306– 09, 312 International Sociolog ical Association, 156 Intimate Enemy (Nandy), 496 In Tripolitania (Alongi), 132 Introduction to the Science of Sociology (Park and Burgess), 11, 145 Iraq: U.S. invasion/occupation of (post- 9/11), 47n13, 183–85, 229–31, 233, 236–43, 250, 451–52. See also Gulf War Ireland: relation to Britain, 283–85, 287, 296n2 “iron cage” (Parsons), 181 Iroquois (Canada), 194 Islam, 41–42, 70, 180, 333, 335, 355, 364n24 Ismail, Mirza (Dewan), 349, 352, 356, 362n9 Israel (State of): as “colonial settler state” (Clarno), 437–49, 453; creation of, 438; neoliberal restructuring in, 443, 445; Palestinians, relations with (see Palestine/Israel); U.S. relations with, 215, 229, 234, 454 Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip, 459 Istituto coloniale Italiano, 136 Istituto nazionale di cultura fascita, 117, 395n31 Istituto nazionale di statistica (istat), 117, 155–56 Istituto superiore di studi commerciali e coloniali, 136 Istituto superiore di studi commerciali, coloniali ed attuariali, 122 Italia barbara contemporanea (Niceforo), 145 Italia e Libia. Considerazioni politiche (Mosca), 127 Italian Academy of Sciences, 395n31 Italiani del nord e Italiani del sud (Niceforo), 145 Italian Society of Eugenics, 124–25 Italian Society of Sociology, 107, 117 Italy: “barbarous” regions, 138–39, 145, 158–59; defeat in World War II, 109; emigration from, 109, 163n17, 164n20; eugenics movement in, 115–16, 124–25, 134; as “good” colonizer, 391n2; Italian Society of Eugenics, 124–25; Oice of Colonial Urbanism, 368, 382; Racial Oice, 395n31; “scientiic racism” in, 380–83, 389, 395n31; social evolutionism in, 113, 127, 131, 133, 135, 140–44, 151, 161n6, 165n29; socialism in, 111, 114, 116, 121–26, 130, 146, 159, 161n6, 164n19, 164n24, 366; state formation, 284, 286, 291. See also fascism; Italian Empire; Roman Empire Italy, political parties: Christian Party, 157; Communist Party, 157, 161n6; National Fascist Party (Partito nazionale fascista 594 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 [pnf]), 374 (see also fascism); Socialist Party, 122, 132 Italy, Rome, 134; as showcase of fascist urbanism, 371 Italy, sociology in, xivn4, 2, 47n10 106–8, 111–12; anthropology and, 143; criminology and, 139–46, “Catholic” sociology, 165n34; demography and, 115–16, 154; ethnography and, 128–129, 139, 151, 154; Fascist regime and, 115–17, 138, 148–49, 154–57, 160; Comtean inluence, 112, 116; German Idealism inluence, 161n6; Marx’s inluence, 112; on race, 146–48, 152, 154, 163n18 (see also Italy: social evolutionism); statistics in, 113–14, 117 Italian Empire, 108 Italian Empire, features: assimilation in , 373– 75, 382, 390, 392; citizenship in, 393n19; colonial states, varieties of, 376, 81; colonial urbanism in, 366– 95; “demographic colonization” in 373, 392n11; economic cost of, 370, 384; “ethnic zoning” in, 368– 69, 381, 383; ethnographic discourse in, 13, 112, 127, 132–35, 139, 142, 151, 154, 380, 382, 387, 389, 390;“external decolonization,” 109; fascism in, 109, 155, 297n14, 372– 76; as “Imperial Community,” 372, 379–80; indigenous elites, role of, 375; “paternalist-assimilationist colonialism” (Pula) in, 373, 375, 381– 90; “racial colonialism” (Pula) in, 375, 381– 90; settlement in, 374, 382–83, 389, 395n29; sexual relations, 281, 384; sovereignty, 373, 376, 380, 389 Italian Empire, parts: Albania, 107, 154, 366– 95; Dodecanese Islands, 107; Eritrea, 107, 139, 368, 371– 72; Ethiopia, 107, 130, 154, 156, 160n2, 366– 95; Italian East Africa, 368, 372, 380; Libya, 107, 121–22, 127, 131–32, 139, 154, 368, 371– 72, 380; Somalia, 122, 157, 372 Iuzhakov, Sergei, 61– 62, 80n3 Ivory Coast: as French colony, 85 Iyer, Sashadri (Dewan), 342, 349 Jacomoni, Francesco, 382, 395n27 Jafe, Amy, 240 Jahrbuch für Soziologie (journal, Germany), 22 Jainism, 355 James Baker Institute, 240 James I (King, England), 283, 296n6 James VI (King, England), 296n6 Japan, 318; Asianism in, 403–5; China, relations with, 215; fascism in, 297n14, 410; India, relations with, 349–50, 364n26; liberalism in, 404; Pearl Harbor, bombing of, 235; in “the Quad,” 225–26; sociology in, 9; Taishō period, 404. See also Russo-Japanese War; Sino-Japanese War Japa nese Empire, 48n19, 85, 213, 215, 241–42, 396–414 Japa nese Empire, features: assimilation, 404– 6, 409–12, 413n7, 414n9; “derivative colonialism” of (Chae), 402–4; race in, 404– 6; “triadic colonialism” of (Chae), 396–414. See also “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” Japa nese Empire, Korea, as colony, 402–5, 408–13, 492; Asianism in, 410–12; Christianity in, 409; colonial state in, 406, 407; indigenous elites, role of, 408–12; ethnic nationalism in, 410–12; Imperial Constitution in, 405; legal status in , 405; liberalism in , 408–10; Marxism in, 410; “native question” in, 406– 7; socialism in, 410–12; United States, idealization of, 409 Jeferson, homas, 343 Jenks, Albert E., 96– 99 Jerusalem, 284 jingoism, 22; in U.S., 95, 99 Johns Hopkins University (United States), 96 Johnson, Chalmers, 217; on “blowback,” 15, 44 Jones, William, 364n22 Journey of My Brother Alexey to the Land of Peasant Utopia (Chaianov), 77 Kabyle (Algeria), 87, 194, 326, 335 Kagan, Donald, 231, 233 Kai, Nguyen Phu, 422, 429 Kaisserreich (terminology), 50n38 Index · 595 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Kanak people (New Caledonia), 322, 325–27 Kansas, University of, xvn8 Kant, Immanuel, 21, 185; Geography, 394n23; “Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Intent,” 167, 185 Kappeler, Andreas, 293– 94 Kareev, Nikolai, 63, 73 Karimov, Islam, 241 Kedourie, Elie: Nationalism, 298n18 Keller, Albert, ix, 93 Kelsey, Carl, 97 Kennedy, Paul, 44 Kenya: as British colony, 493– 95; Mau Mau uprising in, 50n36 Kenyatta, Jomo: Facing Mount Kenya: he Tribal Life of the Gikuyu, 493– 95 Kerensky, Alexander, 72 Keynesianism (economic policies), 217, 219, 451, 458 Khaldun, Ibn, 26, 44 Kharuzin, Mikhail, 80 Khonda people (also Khonds; India), 89 Kidd, Benjamin, 87 Kim, Dong No: “imperialism of the weak” (Japa nese Empire), 396 King, Anthony D., 369– 70 King, Irving, 92 Kistiakovsky, Bogdan, 71 Klein, G.: he Moon, 82n17 Knapp, Georg Friedrich, 169–176 Kohli, Atul: ideal-types of colonial states, 467– 71 Kojève, Alexandre, 33 Komi people (Russia), 73 König, René, 7 Korea (Japa nese colony), 402–5, 408–13, 492; Asianism in, 410–12; Christianity in, 409; colonial state in, 406, 407, 467; ethnic nationalism, 410–12; Imperial Constitution and, 405; indigenous elites, role of, 408–12; legal status in, 405; liberalism in, 408–10; “native question” in, 406– 7; socialism in, 408–12; United States, idealization of, 409 Korea (North), 229, 231, 242 Korea (South), 223 Great Korean Empire, 48, 413n4 Korean War, 215, 217 Kosovo, 184 Kovalevsky, Maksim, 20, 64– 68, 70, 74, 82n12 Kovel, Joel 439 Kowashi, Inoue, 403 Kracauer, Siegfried, 7 Kristol, Irving, 232–33 Kroeber, Alfred, 154 kulla (architectural structure; Albania), 387, 388 ig. 13.2, 395n31 Kulturkreislehre, 39 Kuomintang, 475, 483, 492 Kwakiutl (Canada), 83 Labriola, Antonio, 161n6, 164n19 Laitin, David, ix, xiiin1 Lalande de Calan (governor, French Pondicherry), 425 Lamarckism, 144, 336 Lamine- Gueye law (French Empire), 331, 339n4 land, sociolog ical signiicance of, 37, 494– 95 Landra, Guido, 395n31 Landshut, Siegfried, 8 Languedoc (France), 285 Laos: as French colony, 85, 324 Lapouge, Georges Vacher de, 135; Selections humaines, 148 La Sapienza (university, Rome) 117, 160n1 Latin America (region): American imperialism in, 33, 40, 496, British imperialism in, 496. See also individual countries Lausanne, University of, 145, 164n26 Lavrov, Petr, 59 law: administrative, 253; empire’s relation to, 245– 78, 329, 331, 335–37, 470; global security, 235– 75, 379, 497 (see also “war on terror”); international, 253–54, 379 League of Nations, 103, 324, 379–80. See also Mandate system Lebanon: as French colony, 324, 415; United States’ relations with, 229, 242 Le Corbusier, 366, 369 Leenhardt, Maurice, 4, 30, 38, 45 Lefebvre, Henri, 437–38, 447–48, 461 596 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Lefèvre, Kim, 434n4 Leiris, Michel, 44, 192; Afrique fantôme, 31 “leisure class” theory (Veblen), 113 Lenin, Vladimir (V. I.), 10, 58, 69, 100, 105n16, 220, 297n14, 309 Lesotho, 457 Letourneau, Charles: L’evolution de la morale et sociologie après l’ethnographie, 142 Levasseur, E. (Emile), 135 Levine, Donald, 161n5 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 30; bricolage, 32; Race and History, 191, 205; Triste tropiques, 30 Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien, 208n9 liberalism, 56, 401; in British Empire, 281, 400; in Eu rope (general), 102; in France, 321, 332; in Germany, 8, 182; in Italy, 122; in Japan, 403–4; in Japa nese Korea, 408–10; in Russia, 56; in United States, 229 Liberation of the Serfs (Schmoller), 170 Liberia, 184 Libya: as Italian colony, 107, 121, 127, 131–32, 139, 154 “lifeworld” (Habermas), 184 Liliuokalani, Queen (Hawaii), 85 List, Friedrich: India, reception in, 343–36, 363n15; National System of Political Economy, 169, 344; “Little Englanders” (Britain), 291– 92, 297n15 Locke, John, 363n20 logocentrism, 183 Lombroso, Cesare, 107, 113–4, 120–21, 130, 139–46, 149, 161n8; L’uomo delinquente, 140, 158 London, City of, 219–20 London, University of, 137 London School of Economics (lse), 6 Lorenzoni, Giovanni, 111, 113 Loria, Achille, 10, 111, 113, 122–25, 132–37, 161n6, 162n9, 162n11, 163n15; Economia politica, 123 La lotta per l’esistenza (Vaccaro), 131 Louisiana Purchase (United States), 84, 472 Louvre, 207 Lubbock, John: Prehistoric Times and the Origins of Civilization, 147 Luchitskii, Ivan, 70 Ludden, David, 341 Lugard, Frederick (Lord), 468 Luogoteneza (Albania), 385–87 Luxemburg, Rosa, 10 Luzzatto, Gino, 136 Macaulay, Lord (homas Babington), 281 MacClintock, Samuel, 98 Machiavelli, Niccolò, 112–13, 129, 161n5 Madagascar: as French colony, 85, 107 Madaro, Francisco, 149 Mai a (Italy), 132 Mahan, Admiral (Alfred h ayer), 313 Maharishi, Ramana, 358, 364n23 Mahdism: in Sudan, 401 Maine, Henry Sumner, 20, 64– 65; Ancient Law and Village Communities in the East and West, 352, 365n29 Malaya (British): 465–88, 473 map 1; Chinese resistance in, 475, 478–84; conservative-technocrat conl ict in, 474–80; protectionism in, 471– 74 Malaysia: as British colony, 92 Maldives: as British colony, 236–37 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 154, 493 Mamdani, Mahmood, 38, 43, 470 Manchester School (political economy), 169, 175 Mandate system, 18 Mandela, Nelson, 456 Mann, Michael, xvn9, 5, 15–16, 35, 40–45, 50nn39–40, 298n17, 496– 97; “empires of domination,” 41–43, 48n17; Incoherent Empire, 42–43, 229; Sources of Social Power, 40–44; “territorial empires,” 41–43 Mannheim, Karl, 7 Mannoni, Octave, 32 Manor, James, 341 Mantegazza, Paolo, 160n1 maquiladoras, 495 Marcuse, Herbert, 15 Marro, Antonio, 162n9 Marshall, Alfred, 7 Martello, Tullio, 164n26 Martinique: as French colony, 322, 333, 418 Marx, Anthony, 282 Index · 597 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Marx, Karl, 14–15, 22, 41, 44, 49n24, 309, 350, 365n29; Capital, 14; critiques of, 22, 28, 166, 493; status as sociologist, 49n21; heses on Feuerbach, 56–57 Marxist approaches, 10, 15, 24, 27, 33, 35–38, 76, 298n14; critiques of, 28, 37–38; in Italy, 125, 161n6, 164n24; in Japa nese Korea, 410; in Russia, 57–58, 69, 72; in Soviet Union, 79–80. See also Lenin, Vladimir Marzolo, Paolo, 141 masculinity: empire and, 496 Massad, Joseph, 454 Matabeleland (Zimbabwe), 85 Matteucci, Ugo, 162n11 Mau Mau uprising (British Kenya), 50n36 Maunier, René, ix, xivn2, 4, 32–33, 44–45; colonistics, 31; Sociology of Colonies, 32 Maurenbrecher, Max, 92 Mauss, Marcel, 29, 31, 38, 68, 188–209 Maxwell, William, 476 Mazzarella, Giuseppe, 136–37 Mazzini, Giuseppe, 289 McKenzie, Fayette Avery, xvn8 McKinley, William: “benevolent assimilation,” 472 Mearsheimer, John, 454 “mechanical solidarity” (Durkheim), 194 Mechnikov, Ilya, 68 medievalism, discourse of, 474 Medvedev, Dmitri, 264– 65 Meiji Constitution, 402 Meiji Restoration, 403 Melanesia, 30 Memmi, Albert, ix, 5, 32–33 mercantilism, 23, 362n10. See also neo-mercantilism merchant capitalism, 39 A Merchant Prince: A Study of Italian Colonial Expansion (Einaudi), 163n17 Mercier, Paul, 5, 37 Merton, Robert K., 155, 165n32 methodological nationalism, x, xivn3, 160, 189, 195 métissage, 31. See also hybridity; mimicry; syncretism; transculturation metropole: impact of colonialism on, 13–14, 22–23, 44, 100, 198 “metropole apparatus” (Connell), 497 Mexican Empire, 147 Mexico: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as Spanish colony, 154, 302, 307; U.S. relations with, 149–50 Miceli, Vincenzo, 135, 137 Michels, Robert, ix, 23, 114, 122, 124, 133, 146, 150, 159, 162n9, 163nn16–17, 164n22; Le colonie Italiane in Isvizzera durante la guerra, 125; “demographic imperialism,” 125–26; Imperialismo Italiano, 120; Political Parties, 125 Michigan, University of, x, 46n6, 47n11, 88, 96 “Mideast Quartet” (United States, Eu ropean Union, Russia, United Nations), 445, 454 Milan, as city-state, 283 military (general): empire and, xvn9, 214–15, 217, 228–44, 497; sociology and, xiii, xvin13 Mill, John Stuart, 13, 281, 342, 346; On Liberty, 363n16 Mills, C. Wright: on American imperialism, xi, 33; Character and Social Structure (with Gerth), xii, 33; on “crackpot realism,” xii–xiii; on intellectuals’ and their role, xii; on positivism, xii; on “power elite,” xii; Sociolog ical Imagination, xii Mikhailovsky, N. K. (Nikolai), 58–59 he Mimic Men (Naipaul), 295 mimicry, 29, 32. See also hybridity; métissage; syncretism; transculturation Mind and Society (Pareto), 148 Mindanao (Philippines), 481 Miner, Horace, xvn7, 46n6 Minerva Project, xiii, xvin13 Minnesota, University of, 85, 96– 97, 117 missionaries, 176, 193, 495– 96 “missionary nationalism,” 287. See also “imperial nationalism” mission civilisatrice (France, French Empire), 199–201, 285, 288, 338, 416 Mitchell, Charles, 477 Mitchell, Clyde, ix, xivn2 Mitchell, Timothy: Colonizing Egypt, 39 598 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 modernities: theories of alternate or multiple, 2, 39, 401, 410, 413n3 modernity: Eu ropean discourse of, 17, 21, 24, 44, 55– 60, 71, 135, 183–84, 193–194, 202, 204, 249, 350–51, 357, 364n27, 370, 389– 90, 400–401, 441, 485 modernization theories, 20–21, 35–36, 102, 104, 340, 361n8, 369 Mogilner, Marina, 490 Mommsen, Wolfgang, 289– 90 Mondaini, Gennaro, 136–37 Moneta, Ernesto Teodoro, 124 Monroe Doctrine, 34, 183 Monroe, Paul, 99 Montaigne, Michel de, 191 Montesquieu, Baron de, 55, 209n14; Persian Letters, 191; Spirit of Laws, 204 monumentalism (architecture), 382–83 he Moon (Klein), 82n17 Moral Education (Durkheim), 198 Morasso, Mario: Imperialismo artistico, 120 Morel, B. A. (Bénédict Augstin), 141–42 Morel, E. D. (Edmund Dene), 182, 184 Morène, Jean, 429 Moret, Alexandre: From Tribe to Empire (with Davy), 29 Morocco: as French colony, 197– 98, 208n11, 324, 338n2, 339n3; sociology in, 46n2, 47 Moro people (Philippines), 481 Morrell, Robert, 496 Morselli, Enrico, 111, 113, 135, 160n1, 162n9, 162n11 Mosca, Gaetano, 107, 112–4, 126–31, 133, 136, 146, 159– 60; critique of ethnography, 128–29; Elementi di scienza politica, 112, 129, 163n17; Italia e Libia. Considerazioni politiche, 127 Moscow Agricultural Institute, 76 Moses, Bernard, 96 Mühlmann, Wilhelm: Umvolkung, 35 “multiple kingdoms” (Kumar), 283, 296n6 Munro, homas, 351 Mus, Paul, 4 Musée d’ethnographie du Trocadéro, 206 Musée de l’homme, 206– 7, 208n9 Musée d’Orsay, 207 Musée du quai Branly, 207 Muslim League: in Pakistan, 269 Mussolini, Benito, 117, 121, 132, 148, 150, 153, 155, 157, 372, 381, 387–88, 394n25, 395n31 Mysore (India), 340– 65 (chap. 12) Mysore Economic Conference (mec), 342, 346, 364n26 Mysore Legislative Council (mlc), 342, 355–56 Mysore Representative Assembly (mra), 342, 345, 350, 352, 355–56 Nagel, Joanne, xvn8 Naipaul, V. S.: he Mimic Men, 295 Namibia: as German colony, 186n8, 186n10, 468 Namier, Lewis (Sir), 282 Nandy, Ashis: Intimate Enemy, 496 Naoroji, Dadabhai, 342 Naples, University of, 118, 120, 122, 160n1, 161n6, 164n19 Napoleon (Bonaparte), 9, 23, 168– 69, 317, 321, 323 Napoleon III, 10 Natal: as British colony, 496 nation-states: empire and, 17, 251–52, 279– 99, 321–22 National System of Political Economy (List), 169 Native Life in South Africa (Plaatje), 494– 95 Native Princes of India (Aitchison), 365n32 National Congress of Urbanism (Italy), 383 nationalism: empire and, 29, 279– 99; “imperial nationalism,” 282, 286– 90; “organic nationalism,” 289 Nationalism (Kedourie), 298n18 Nations and Nationalism (Gellner), 280–81 Native Americans, 40; ethnological representations of, 84; internal colonialism and, 48n19; sociolog ical study of, xvnn7–8, 98. See also Bureau of Indian Afairs (United States) native policy, 18, 30, 39, 398, 400; in American Philippines, 465–88; in British Malaya, 465–88; in French Empire, 414n10; in French India (Pondicherry), 415–35 Native States (India), 340–41, 361n2, 365n32 nativism, 401; Gandhi and, 413n2; in Japa nese Korea, 410–12 Index · 599 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 natural sciences relation to social sciences and sociology. See social sciences: relation to natural sciences; sociology: relation to natural sciences Naumann, Friedrich, 12, 172 Nazi Germany, 8, 33–35, 46nn6– 7, 50n35, 317 Nazism, 8, 49n31, 381; as form of empire, 26, 33–35, 43, 47n13, 185; nationalism and, 289 Neapolitan società Africana d’Italia, 122 Nebraska, University of, 97, 105n8 Negri, Antonio, 491; “deterritorialization” (with Hardt), 449–51; Empire (with Hardt), x, 250, 436, 491 negritude, 401, 412 “Negro question,” writings on: in United States, 31, 67, 99; in Germany, 171– 72, 175, 177–82 Nehru, Jawaharlal, 413n2 neoconservatism (United States), 231–32, 242 neo-institutionalist theory, 38 neoliberalism, 219, 221–23, 227, 229, 233, 239, 242–43, 300, 306– 9, 311, 306, 436, 440, 443, 448–49 neomercantilism: in British India, 343–36 Netanyahu, Benjamin, 455 Netherlands: sociology in, 20 Neumann, Franz, 33; Behemoth, 34 New Caledonia: as French colony, 30, 322, 325–27, 330. See also Kanak New Delhi, 495 New Guinea: as German colony, 19, 19 ig. 1.1 “New World,” 31 “New World Order” (Bush, G. H. W.), 436, 449 New York Post (newspaper, United States), 15 Nguyen Phu Kai, 422, 429 Nice (France), 321 Niceforo, Alfredo, 111, 113–14, 133, 135, 137, 139, 145–46, 162n9, 164n22; Italia barbara contemporanea, 145; Italiani del nord e Italiani del sud, 145; Forza e ricchezza: studi sulla vita i sica ed economica delle classi sociali, 145 Nicolucci, Giustiniano, 160n1 Nicotri, Gaspare, 132 Nigeria: as British colony, 85, 467– 70; China, relations with, 301 Nissen dōsoron (discourse, Japan), 404, 413n8 Nitobe, Inazo, 413n9 Nixon, Richard, 218 Nkrumah, Kwame, 401 “noble savage,” discourse of, 30. See also primitivism nomos (Bourdieu), 6 nomos/nomoi (Schmitt), 33–34, 43, 45, 378, 389, 394n25, 398n20. See also Großräum/ Großräume Nomos of the Earth (Schmitt), x, 183 Norman Conquest (England), 284 Normandy (France), 285 North American Free Trade Agreement (nafta), 448 North Atlantic Treaty Orga nization (nato), 183–84, 228 Norway, 291 “Not a White Woman Safe” (Inglis), 496 Novicow, J. (Jacques), 134 Nye, Joseph: “sot power,” 216 Odum, Howard, 105n17 Odyssey (Homer), 183 Ohio State University, xvn8 oil: imperialism and, 218–20, 228, 230, 235–43, 300–318 Olivares, Count-Duke (Gaspar de Guzmán), 280 “one-drop rule” (United States), 182 Ong, Aihwa, 452 On Liberty (Mill), 363n16 “Open Door” policy (U.S./China), 40, 471 Operation Desert Storm, 436, 448 L’opinion (newspaper, France), 429 Oppenheimer, Franz, 27–28, 45; Der Staat, 27–28 “organic nationalism,” 289 “organic solidarity” (Durkheim), 194 Orga nization for Economic Co- Operation and Development (oecd), 226 Orga nization of Petroleum Exploring Countries (opec), 219, 239–40 Orientalism (discourse), 39, 45, 348–50, 399; indigenous responses to, 364n23 600 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Orientalism (Said), 39, 348 Origin and Development of Moral Ideas (Westermarck), 88 Orwell, George: 1984, 77 Oslo process (Israeli-Palestinian conl ict), 437, 439–40, 443–45, 448, 454 Ostiaks [Khantys](Russia), 89 Otomi Indians (Mexico), 32 Ottoman Empire, 12, 18, 26, 38, 55, 107, 131, 151, 281, 294, 366, 377, 385, 387, 393n18, 396, 450 Outline of General Economics (Schmoller), 174 Paasikivi, Juho Kusti, 298n14 pacii sm, 198 Pakistan, 225; anti-terrorism laws in, 259, 265– 72; Muslim League in, 269; Taliban in, 259, 268; terrorist attacks in, 266– 67; United States, relations with, 268 Palermo (Italy), 132–33 Palestine/Israel (West Bank and Gaza Strip): “Apartheid Wall,” 445; “autonomy” within, 437–39, 445, 455; “Bantustization” (West Bank) 436, 439; enclosures within, 437, 443–46, 453– 60, 497; Geneva Accord, 459; historical timeline of, 463– 64; Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip, 459; Oslo process, 437, 439–40, 443–45, 448, 454; “Roadmap for peace,” 445, 459. See also Israel; Palestine Liberation Orga nization; Palestinian Authority Palestine Liberation Orga nization (plo), 443 Palestinian Authority (pa), 444, 454, 458 Pan- German League, 172– 73 he Paper Money (Bogolepov), 82n17 Papua New Guinea: as Australian colony, 496 Paramhamsa, Ramakrisha, 357–58, 364n23 Pareto, Vilfredo, 20, 112–4, 130, 133–36, 145–50, 159– 60, 162n10, 164n26; Mind and Society, 148; Trattato di sociologia generale, 107, 112, 134 Paris Ethnological Institute, 31 Paris Exposition, 114 Park, Robert, 98, 104n4, 105n18, 168, 177; Introduction to the Science of Sociology (with Burgess), 11, 145 Parsons (U.S. corporation), 241 Parsons, Talcott, 186n1, 365n29; “iron cage,” 181; structural-functionalism, 102; Structure of Social Action, 7 “passive colonization” (Schäle), 18–19 paternalism, cultural. See protectionism, cultural “paternalist-assimilationist colonialism” (Pula): in Italian Empire, 375, 381– 90 Pavia University of, 140 Pearl, Daniel, 269 peasant studies, 76 Pellizzi, Camillo, 116–17 Pennsylvania, University of, 97 Pentagon (United States), 229, 233–34 Perak sultanate (British Malaya), 472 Perkins, Tony: Singing the Coast (with Somerville), 494 Perle, Richard, 232–34, 236, 239 Persian Empire, 147 Persian Letters (Montesquieu), 191 Peru: relations with Britain, 215; as Spanish colony, 302, 307 Perugia, University of, 125 Petrazycki, Leon, 74, 82nn11–12 “petro dollars,” 219–20 Petrograd Commissariat of Press, Agitation, and Propaganda, 82n17 Petrograd University, 72, 82n12 Philippine-American War, 92, 98, 476 Philippine Commission (United States), 96, 472 Philippines: Luzon, 84, 100; Mindanao, 481; Moro people, 481 Philippines, political parties in: Democrata Party, 483; Federal (Federalista) Party, 474, 478; Nationalist (Nacionalista) Party, 474– 75, 478–80 Philippines, as U.S. colony, 39–40, 84–85, 95–100, 103, 214, 315, 465–88, 492; assimilation in, 98– 99, 471– 74, 476, 479; conservative-technocrat conl ict in, 474–80; indigenous elites, role of, 39, 467, 474–85 Index · 601 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Phoenix Program (United States/ Vietnam), 497 Piccinato, Luigi, 383 Piedmont (Italy), 286 Pierce, Henry Clay, 149 Pinochet, Augusto, 222 Pittsburgh Dispatch (newspaper, United States), 95 Plaatje, Sol: Native Life in South Africa, 494– 95 Planned Economy for India (Visvesvaraya), 342 plantations, 171– 72, 175– 76, 495 Ploetz, Alfred, 181 Pokrovsky, Mikhail, 75, 80 Poland, 70, 291; Poles in Germany, 167– 68, 171– 74, 178–81, 185; Silesia, 167– 68 Polish Peasant in Europe and America (homas and Znaniecki), 89, 104 Politica coloniale (Colajanni), 120 political economy: classical or “Manchester School,” 169, 175 Political Parties (Michels), 125 political science, 8 Political Science Quarterly, 96 Pollock, Floyd Allen, xv n8 Polybius, 17, 41 populist sociology (Russia), 58– 62 Porter, Bernard, 298 Portugal, 284 Portuguese Empire, 291, 302, 306, 316; Brazil, 31 Posen (Germany), 168, 171– 72 postcolonial studies, 3, 248, 252, 370, 380, 466 Poulantzas, Nicos, 43 Powell, Colin, 231, 234, 237 “power elite” (Mills), xii Prehistoric Times and the Origins of Civilization (Lubbock), 147 preservationism, cultural. See protectionism, cultural Prezzolini, Giuseppe, 148 Prime linee di patologia economica (Gini), 165n32 Primitive Secret Societies (Webster), 88 primitivism, 30–31, 191– 97, 202– 7 he Prince and the Pauper (Twain), 82n17 Princely States (India), 340–41, 361n2, 365n32 Prince Serebriannyi (Tolstoi), 82n17 Princeton University, 96 principal-agent relations, 38, 45 Privatdozent (Germany), 118 Le progrès (newspaper, French Pondicherry), 426–27 Progressivism (Russia), 78 Project Camelot, xiii protectionism, economic, 28, 36, 42, 146, 224, 226–27, 234–5, 344 protectionism, cultural, 196– 97, 200, 471– 74, 479– 90 Protestant Ethic (Weber), 180 Protestantism, 188, 287–88 Provence (France), 285 Prussia. See Germany, Prussia psychoanalytic theory: colonial studies and, 32–33 Psychologie économique (Tarde), 21 Psycho-Neurological Institute (St. Petersburg, Russia) 70– 71, 73, 82n12 Psychophysik (Weber), 181 Puerto Rico: as U.S. colony, 39–40, 84–85, 95– 99, 103, 214, 315 Puini, Carlo, 134, 136 Pufendorf, Samuel von, 55 Pula, Besnik, 495 Putin, Vladimir, 260, 262, 263– 65 Qing China, 48n16 Qingdao (China): as Germany colony, 468. See also Tsingtao “the Quad” (United States, Eu ropean Union, Japan, Canada), 225–26 Rabbeno, Ugo, 163n15 race: apartheid and, 439–40; colonialism and, 32, 45, 415, 489, 496; in French Algeria, 191, 326; in French Empire, 332–38, 416; in Italian Empire, 367, 375, 381, 395n31; in Japa nese Korea, 404– 6, 410; scientiic theories of, 327, 364n22, 382–83, 389, 395n31; slavery and, 171– 72; sociolog ical writing about, 13–14, 16, 50n36, 57, 89, 91– 99, 105n18, 121, 124, 127, 139, 146, 148, 171–82, 185, 343 602 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Race and History (Lévi-Strauss), 191, 205 “racial colonialism” (Pula): in Italian Empire, 375, 381– 90 Ranade, M. G., 342, 344–45, 352 Rangacharlu, C. (Dewan), 342, 345, 347, 350, 352, 264n25 Rassegna di science sociali e politiche, 161 Rathgen, Karl, 177 Ratzel, Friedrich, 4, 17–18, 34, 43, 45, 92; Ratzenhofer, Gustav, 84, 94 Razze inferiori e razze superiori: Latini e Anglosassoni (Colajanni), 121 Reagan, Ronald, 219, 228, 234 Reconstructing India (Visvesvaraya), 352–53 Reece, Ernest J., 98 Reed, William Allen, 98 relexivity, social sciences and, xi, xvn10 refugees, hostility towards, 497 Reinsch, Paul. S., 96 religion, 180–82, 185, 192– 93, 197, 282. See also Christianity; Catholicism; Confucianism; Hinduism; Islam; Jainism; Protestantism; Shintoism Renan, Ernest, 295, 297n9 renonçants (French Empire), 419, 423, 427, 435n7 republicanism, French, 190, 195, 199–200, 206, 288, 238, 416, 420–23, 427 Republican Revolution (China), 9 resistance, of colonized, 45, 466, 469– 70; in Philippines and Malaya, 483–85 Réunion: as French colony, 322, 418 Reuter, Edward, 98 Revue international de sociologie (journal, France), 107 Rhee, Syngman 409 Rhodes-Livingston Institute, xiv n2 Ribot, heodule, 76 Ricardo, David, 342 Ricci, Marcello, 395 Richtofen, Ferdinand von, 18 Rivet, Paul, 196, 208n9 Rivista di ilosoia scientiica, 161 Rivista di sociologia, 107, 133–34, 161n8 Rivista internazionale de sience sociali e discipline ausiliarie, 161 Rivista Italiana di sociologia (ris),107, 111, 133–39, 150, 161n8 “Roadmap for peace” (Israeli-Palestinian conl ict), 445, 459 Roberti, Evgenii de, 20, 68– 70, 82n12 Robinson, Ronald, 45; “he Imperialism of Free Trade” (with Gallagher), 214, 313, 315, 400 Rockefel ler Foundation, 363n18 “rogue states” (U.S. dei nition), 228, 230, 242 Rohl s, Gerhard, 137 Romagnosi, Gian Domenico, 112–3 Roman Empire, 9–11, 15, 17, 21–28, 41–42, 44, 109, 120, 134, 137–38, 141, 147, 152, 162– 63, 214, 280, 283, 287–89, 292; as model, 48n16, 50, 108–11, 155, 159, 163n16, 371– 72, 383–84, 390, 391n5, 394n24 Romanticism, 21, 58, 190– 92, 200, 202, 364 Rome (city, Italy), 134; as showcase of fascist urbanism, 371 Rome, University of, 145, 160n1. See also Sapienza (La) Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 231 Roosevelt, heodore, 139, 476 Ross, E. A. (Edward Alsworth), ix, 84, 86, 88, 97, 99–100, 105n8; Social Control, 89 Rossi, Pasquale, 113–4, 163n13 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 55; Discourse on the Origins of Inequality, 191 “rule of colonial diference” (Chatterjee), 21, 32, 43, 48n14, 368, 370, 397– 98 Rules of Sociolog ical Method (Durkheim), 201 Rumsfeld, Donald, 229–30, 232 Rural Sociology (journal), 154 rural sociology, 132, 154, 494 Russell, Conrad, 296 Russia: anarchism in, 56; anthropology in, 70, 80n4; anti-terrorism laws in, 258– 65; as “backward,” 20, 55–57; as bloc with Eu ropean Union, 316–18; Bolshevik censorship in, 72, 82n13; Chechnya, wars with, 259; Hegelianism in, 56; Marxism in, 56–58, 71– 72; in “Mideast Quartet,” 445, 454; terrorist attacks in, 264; United States, relations with, 228. See also Caucasus; Russian Empire; Russian Revolution (1905); Russian Revolution (1917); Russo-Japanese War; Soviet Empire; Soviet Union Index · 603 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Russia, political parties: ConstitutionalDemocratic Party, 66; SocialRevolutionary Party, 72; Socialist Revolutionary Party, 69 Russia, sociology in, 53–58; institutionalization, 58, 68– 72; populist sociology, 58– 62; “post-imperial sociology,” 75–80 Russian Empire, 16, 18, 20, 26, 60– 61, 65– 69, 71, 75– 79, 80n3, 80n4, 81n7, 281, 288, 293, 377; distinctiveness of, 53–55, 253–55; ethnographic discourse in, 57, 63– 65, 68, 70, 73, 80n4 Russian Higher School for Social Sciences, 68, 70 Russian Revolution (1905), 63, 65, 72 Russian Revolution (1917), 78– 79, 121 Russo-Japanese War, 92, 102 “Russophobia,” 55 Sachs, Wulf, 32 Said, Edward, 45, 439; Orientalism, 39, 348 Saigon (French Vietnam), 415, 420, 429–30 Saint-Simon, Claude Henri de Rouvray (Comte de), 325 Sakharova, Ekaterina, 76 Salandra, Antonio, 127 Salz, Arthur, 10, 29, 33, 49n28 Samara, Adel, 454 Samoa, American: 85, 95 Samoa: as German colony, 186n8, 468 Santo Domingo: as U.S. colony, 98 Sardinia (Italy): as “barbarous,” 158 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 36, 398; on “colonial boomerang,” 15 Sassen, Sakia, 249–50; “denationalization,” 450–51 Saudi Arabia, 238–39, 242, 315 Saurrat, Albert, 416, 421, 431 Savorgnan, Franco, 113, 135, 155 Savoy (France), 321 Saxony (Germany), 174 Sayad, Abdelmalek, 37 Schäle, Albert, 16, 18 Scheltema, J. F., 92 Scheppele, Kim Lane, 497 Schmitt, Carl, 4, 43, 45, 250, 459; on American imperialism, 33–34; Concept of the Political, 182–83; Großräum or nomos, 33–34, 185, 379, 393n20; Nomos of the Earth, x, 183; on sovereignty, 182–85, 378– 79, 393n21; on “state of exception,” 184–85, 446 Schmoller, Gustav, 169–177, 181, 185; Liberation of the Serfs, 170; Outline of General Economics, 174 Schnapper, Dominique, 337 Schoenberg, Ronald: “Long Waves of Colonial Expansion and Contraction” (with Bergesen), 302–3, 306 Schultz, Geroge, 241 Schumpeter, Joseph, 10, 28–29, 45 Schurman, Jacob, 96 scientiic autonomy, xvin112 “scientiic colonization” (Dernburg), 177 “scientiic humanism” (Durkheimian school), 191 “scientiic racism.” See race, scientiic theories of Scotland: relation to Britain, 283–84, 287, 297n8 Scowcrot , Brent, 228 “Scramble for Africa” (nineteenth century). See Africa: partition of; Berlin West Africa Conference “Scramble for Africa” (“second”), 301–3, 316 La scuola positiva (journal, Italy), 161 Section Française de l’internationale ouvrière (sfio), 197– 98, 208n11 Security Council (United Nations). See United Nations, Security Council Les selections humaines (Lapouge), 148 Semyonov, Alexander, 106 Senegal: as French colony, 333, 335, 418 Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 401 Il sentimento imperialista (AmadoriVirgilij), 120 Serbia: nato bombing of, 183–84 Sergi, Guiseppe, 111, 113–14, 133–34, 137–38, 160n1, 162n9, 164n23 Sering, Max, 174, 176 settler colonialism, 11, 306, 436– 64, 494– 95 Sewell, William, Jr., 46n6, 398– 99 Sharif, Nawaz, 266– 67 Shils, Edward, 119 Shintoism, 403 Siberia (Russia), 61 604 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Sicily (Italy): as “barbarous,” 158 La sienza sociale (journal, Italy), 161 Sièyes, Abbé, 8 Sighele, Scipio, 111, 113–14, 137, 149 Simmel, George, 7, 120, 167, 402 Simons, Sarah: “Social Assimilation” series, 91 Sino-Japanese War, 85 Skënderbeg Square (Albania), 366, 385 Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind (Condorcet), 208n4 Skocpol, heda, 48, 484 slavery, 13–14, 21, 24, 31–32, 36, 124, 135, 171– 72, 175, 196, 302, 323, 329–36 Slavophilism, 56 Small, Albion, 6, 84, 86, 88, 91– 92, 98, 101, 105n10, 105nn14–15 smallholding (Germany), 170– 71, 175– 76, 185 Smith, Adam, 169, 342, 363n20; Wealth of Nations, 362n10 Smith, Anthony: on core “ethnies,” 286–87 Smith, Cecil, 476, 481 Smith, James, 478 Snipp, C. Matthew, xvn8 Social Control (Ross), 89 Social Darwinism. See evolutionism, social social democracy: in Eu rope, 221; in Germany, 8, 169– 70, 173, 178, 408; in Russia, 81n8 social evolutionism, 14, 16, 20–21, 30, 41–42, 59, 86–88, 92, 400, 414n10; in Britain, 473; in British India, 350–53; in France, 142, 190– 91, 203– 6, 209n14, 326, 331, 334; in Germany, 181; in Italy, 113, 127, 131, 133, 135, 140–44, 151, 161n6, 165n29; in Russia, 20, 57, 62– 70, 74–85, 79; in United States, 88– 90, 93– 94, 96, 101, 104, 112, 120 socialism: colonialism and, 310–12, 401; in France, 197– 98, 208n7, 208n11, 219; in Germany, 169; in Italy, 111, 114, 116, 121–26, 130, 146, 159, 161n6, 164n19, 164n24, 366; in Japa nese Korea, 408–12; in Russia, 59– 60, 62, 79, 80n2, 81n8; in United States, 88 Il socialismo (Colajanni), 121 “social metabolism” (Gini), 153 social sciences, as ield, xi, xvn10 Società degli agricoltori Italiani, 132 Società internazionale della pace, 124 Società Italiana di sociologia, 107, 117, 139 Société de sociologie de Paris, 145 Society of American Indians, xvn8 Society of the Lovers of Natural Sciences, Anthropology, and Ethnography (Russia), 80 Sociologia criminale (Colajanni), 121 Sociolog ical Imagination (Mills), xii Sociolog ical Papers (journal, Britain), 22 Sociolog ical Review (journal, Britain), 20 Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique noir (Balandier), 36–37 Sociologie de l’Algérie (Bourdieu), 37 Sociologie des Brazzavilles noires (Balandier), 37 Sociologus (journal, German), xivn2 sociology: anthropology and, xivn2, xvnn7–8, 1, 3, 29–32, 46n6, 49n29, 188–89, 190, 192, 206, 208n6; “colonial sociology,” 18, 30, 46n5, 136, 140, 156, 159, 336; disciplinary boundaries of, 3– 9, 13, 18; empire and, ix–xvi, 1–50, 189– 90, 489– 92; Eu ropean (general), 86–88; historical sociology, x, xi, 2–3, 12, 24, 36, 42, 44, 48n19, 104n4, 465, 468, 491; military involvement and, xiii, xvin13; natural sciences and, x, xi, 20, 45 (see also under social sciences); predisciplinary history of, 8, 47n9; populist sociology (Russia), 58– 62; postcolonial theory and, 3, 189; on race, 13–14, 16, 50n36, 57, 89, 91– 99, 105n18, 121, 124, 127, 139, 146, 148, 171–82, 185, 343; rural sociology, 132, 154, 494; on the state, 3, 11–12, 24, 17, 27–28, 42–44, 48n19, 465; urban sociology, xivn2, 370, 291n4. See also individual universities for speciic departments of sociology; social sciences; individual national sociologies (e.g., Germany: sociology in) Sociology of Colonies (Maunier), 32 Sociology of Imperialism (journal, AbdelMalek, ed.), ix Sociology of Religion (Weber), 180, 184 Somalia: as Italian colony, 122, 157, 372; United States intervention in, 228 Index · 605 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Sombart, Werner, 181–82 Somerville, Margaret: Singing the Coast (with Perkins), 494 Sorokin, Pitirim, 48n16, 68, 72– 74; 79, 114, 155, 161n7; Crime and Punishment, Achievement and Reward, 72; sociology of revolution, 75; System of Sociology, 74– 75 Source Book for Social Origins (homas), 89 Sources of Social Power (Mann), 40–43 Soustelle, Jacques, 32, 49n32 South Africa, 38, 43, 93, 462– 63; AfrikanerBritish conl icts in, 83, 85, 92, 438; apartheid in, 38, 43, 436, 439–43, 454, 456, 497; “autonomy” in (Clarno), 437–39, 448, 457–58, 461; Bantustan system, 439–43, 453– 60 (see also Bantustization); Bophuthatswana, 457; citizenship in, 441; Department of Native Afairs, 442; Labor Bureau, 442, 453, 458; Non-Aggression Pacts, 457; Suppression of Communism Act, 456; swart gevaar (black peril), 456; Transkei, 457; Transvaal Republic, 85 sovereignty, 2, 9, 11, 27, 36, 43, 109, 182–85, 214–16, 221, 247, 250, 253, 270– 74, 283, 296n4, 306, 308, 377– 79, 393n21, 397, 465; in French Empire, 321–24, 331; in Italian Empire, 373, 376, 380, 389; in Palestine /Israel and South Africa, 436– 64 Soviet Empire, 280, 289: “informal colonies” of, 282. See also Russian Empire Soviet Union, 33–35, 78, 234, 237, 242, 293, 310; censorship in, 82n17; collapse of, 228, 282, 295, 436, 448; forced emigration in, 79–80; “internal colonies” of, 282; sociology in, 57, 75– 76, 79. See also Rus sia “spaces of exception” (Clarno), 437, 440, 461 Spain: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as “composite monarchy,” 283; state formation in, 284. See also SpanishAmerican War, Spanish Empire Spanish-American War, 92, 95, 97, 103, 105n16, 130, 471 Spanish Empire, 65, 85, 171, 287–88, 291, 297n13, 302, 306– 7, 316, 495 “spectator-sport militarism” (Mann), 237 Spencer, Herbert, 13, 16, 22, 59, 88, 97, 147, 203, 342; Principles of Sociology, 127; Study of Sociology, 107 Spencer, Walter Baldwin, 194 Spengler, Oswald, 44;Decline of the West, 26 Spirit of Laws (Montesquieu), 204 Srinivas, M. N., 424 Staatswissenschat, 11, 17, 48n19, 402 Stacey, Judith, 491 “staglation,” 217 Stalinism: sociology and, 80 Standard Oil Company, 149 Stanford University, 96, 105n8 state: spatial strategies of, 436– 64; sociology of, 3 11–12, 24, 17, 27–28, 42–44, 48n19, 465. See also colonial state; nation-state; Staatswissenschat; state formation State Bankruptcy (Zak), 82n17 state formation, 40: in American Philippines, 465–88; in Britain, 284–87; in British Malaya, 465–88; in Eu rope, 284; in France, 284–86, 297n9, 297n11; in Italy, 286; in Germany, 286; in Spain, 285–86 “state of exception” (Schmitt/Agamben), 184–85, 446–47, 497 statistics, as ield, 103, 113–14, 117 Steinmetz, George, 39, 44–45, 186n8, 251, 451, 468– 69, 471, 485, 489 Steinmetz, S. R. (Sebald), 20 Stoler, Ann Laura, 291, 415; “imperial formation,” 449 Stone, Alfred, 99 St. Petersburg Psycho-Neurological Institute, 70– 71, 73, 82n12 St. Petersburg University (Russia), 20, 63 Strang, David, 38 Strasbourg, University of, 170 structural adjustment policies, 216, 219–23, 230, 239, 242 structural functionalism, 102, 104 Structure of Social Action (Parsons), 7 Struve, Petr, 72 Study of Sociology (Spencer, H.), 107 Sturzo, don Luigi, 165n34 Suárez, Francisco, 21 606 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Sudan: China, relations with, 301, 316; Mahdism in, 401 Sulzbach, Walter, 10, 29 Sumner, William Graham, 18, 86, 100 Sun Yat-sen: hree Principles of the People, 492 “surgical colonialism” (Bergesen), 300–18 (chap. 10), 496– 97 surrealism, 192 Sverdlov Communist University (Soviet Union), 79 swadeshi movement (India), 362 swart gevaar (black peril, South Africa), 456 Swettenham, Frank, 477, 479 syncretism, 1, 26, 29–32. See also hybridity; métissage; mimicry; transculturation Syria: as French colony, 324, 415; United States relation with, 229 System of Sociology (Sorokin), 74– 75 Tat , William, 476, 481 Taiping Rebellion, 15, 48n16 Taiwan: as Japa nese colony, 85 Taliban: in Afghan istan; in Pakistan, 259, 268 Tamamshev, Mikhail, 70 Tanganyika:as British colony, 30 Tanzania, 225; as Germany colony, 175, 186n10 Tarde, Gabriel, 4, 18, 2, 43, 65, 68; Psychologie economique, 21; Les transformations du pouvoir, 21; “world state,” 21 Taylor, Charles, 184 Tenet, George, 232, 236–37 “territorial empires” (Mann), 41–43 h atcher, Margaret, 236 hoi Bao (newspaper, French Vietnam), 422, 429 homas, William I., 67, 84, 88–89, 97– 99, 101; Polish Peasant in Europe and America (with Znaniecki), 89, 104; Source Book for Social Origins, 89 hompson, Elizabeth, 415 hree Principles of the People (Sun), 492 hurnwald, Richard, ix, xivn2, 1, 4, 19, 19 i g 1.1, 31, 44–45, 49n31 Tilly, Charles, xi, 16, 47n11 Tilly, Virginia, 439 Tirana (Albania): as Italian colonial city, 366, 368, 381–88 Tittoni, Tommaso, 122 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 13, 14; Democracy in America, 14 Togo: French colonialism in, 324; as German colony, 175– 77, 186n10 Tolstoi, Aleksei: Prince Serebriannyi, 82n17 Tonga: as British colony, 85 Toniolo, Guiseppe, 165n34 Tonkin: as French colony, 324 Tonkin, Gulf of, 236 Tönnies, Ferdinand, 84, 134, 137, 167 totalitarianism, 44, 101–2; fascist, 150, 156, 392n15; Nazi, 34 “trade overreach” (Bergesen), 313–15 transculturation, 1, 29–30, 45. See also hybridity; métissage; mimicry; syncretism transdisciplinarity, 3 Les transformations du pouvoir (Tarde), 21 Transvaal Republic (South Africa): Boer War and, 85 Trattato di sociologia generale (Pareto), 107 travel narratives, 193 Treaty of Paris (1815), 418 “triadic” colonialism (Chae): Japa nese Empire as, 396–414 Tribune indigène (newspaper, French Vietnam), 422, 429 Tripoli (Libya), 132, 371, 385 Tripolitania (Libya), 132, 154 La Tripolitiana settentrionale e la sua vita sociale studiate dal vero (Coletti), 132 Triste tropiques (Lévi-Strauss), 30 Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, xv n8 Truman, Harry S., 340 Tsingtao (German colony), 186n8. See also Qindao Tunisia: as French colony, 324, 338n2, 339n3; sociology in, 47n10 Turin, University of, 106, 118, 140 Turkey, 222 Turner, Frederick, 163n15 Tuskegee Institute (United States), 177, 179 Twain, Mark: he Prince and the Pauper, 82n17 Tylor, E. B., 209n15 Index · 607 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Uganda: as British protectorate, 85, 107 Ukraine, 60, 70, 74–5 Umvolkung (Mühlmann), 35 underdevelopment, theories of, 35, 44 unesco. See under United Nations United Kingdom. See Britain; England; Ireland; Scotland; Wales United Nations (un), 223, 228, 231, 379; in “Mideast Quartet,” 445, 454; Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 282 United Nations, Security Council, 184, 245–47, 250, 254, 264, 267, 272–3; Chapter VII authority, 254–55; Counter-Terrorism Committee (ctc), 256–57, 263, 268; Resolution 1373, 255–58, 260– 62, 269; Resolution 1624, 263 United Nations, unesco (United Nations Educational, Scientiic, and Cultural Orga nization), 156; Division of Applied Social Sciences, xivn3, 156 United States: anti-terrorism laws in, 257, 272– 73; assimilation in, 68, 91, 103, 104n5; China, relations with, 40, 215, 228, 231, 242, 471– 72; ethnology, 97– 98; immigration in, 81n6, 88–89, 91– 92, 101, 103, 105n9, 169; imperial culture of, 95– 96; Israel, relations with: 215, 229, 234, 241; Jews in, 235; in “Mideast Quartet,” 445, 454; Pearl Harbor, bombing of, 235; religion in, 232; Russia, relations with, 228; social evolutionism in, 88– 90, 93– 94, 96, 101, 104, 112, 120; socialism in, 88. See also 9/11; Gulf War; Korean War; United States (American) Empire; Vietnam War United States, government bodies: centcom (Central Command), 238; Central Intelligence Agency (cia), 215, 232–34, 242; Commerce Department, 234; Defense Department, xiii; Defense Policy Board, 236; Joint Chiefs of Staf, 231; Labor Department, 81n6; Oice of Special Plans, 234; Pentagon, 229, 233–34; Secret Ser vice, 239; State Department, 233–34, 240, 242; Treasury, 220, 234, 239; USAID (United States Agency for International Development), 239 United States, political parties: Democratic Party, 102, 228, 231, 243, 475, 478–82, 485; Progressive Party, 475–80; Republican Party, 102, 228, 231–32, 234, 239, 242–43, 475– 76, 478–80, 482, 485 United States, sociology in, 2, 6, 9, 18, 83–86, 118; American imperialism and, 95–101; on assimilation and immigration, 68, 91, 103, 104n5; on empire, 101–4, 105n8; Eu ropean sociology, inluence of, 86–88, 94– 95; military funding, xiii, xvi n13; on race, 31, 67, 88– 94, 98– 99, 104n5, 105n18. See also United States: social evolutionism in United States (American) Empire, xii, 12, 15–16, 18, 21, 33, 39–40, 42–43, 48n15, 84–85, 88, 95–104, 184, 213–44, 282, 295, 296n2, 436, 452, 461 United States Empire, features: assimilation in, 98– 99, 471– 74, 476, 479; comprador class in, 215, 223; decline of, 312–18; indigenous elites, role of, 39, 465–88; military, role of, 214–15, 227–44, 497; native policy in, 465–88 United States Empire, places: Afghan istan, 230, 237, 250; Ca ribbean, 95; Caucasus, 230; Central America, 95; Cuba, 95, 98– 99; Guam, 95, 315; Hawaii, 95– 98, 214; Iran, 229, 238; Iraq, 47n13, 183–84, 185, 229–31, 233, 236–43, 250, 451–52, 436, 448; Korea (North), 229, 231, 242; Korea (South), 223; Latin America (region), 40, 217, 227; Lebanon, 242; Mexico, 149–50; Middle East (region), 217, 228, 230, 238, 243, 315; Native Americans, 214; Panama, 228, 315; Philippines, 39–40, 84–85, 95–100, 103, 214, 315, 465–88, 492; Puerto Rico, 39–40, 84, 95– 99, 103, 214, 315; Samoa, 95; Santa Domingo, 98; Saudi Arabia, 238–39, 242, 315; Somalia, 228; Syria, 229; Yugoslavia (former), 228–31 Universal Expositions. See World Fairs Universal Races Congress, 137, 164n23 Università popolare (Palermo), 132 Université nouvelle de Bruxelles, 132, 145 universities, role of, xii–xiii, 18. See also individual universities by name L’uomo delinquente (Lombroso), 140, 158 608 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 urban planning, colonial, 20; in India, 20; in Italy, 366– 95 urban sociology, xivn2, 370, 291n4 Uruguay, 222 usaid (United States Agency for International Development), 239 Uspenskii, Gleb, 61– 62 utilitarianism, 194, 347–48, 363nn19–20; in British India, 346–48; Uzbekistan, 184, 241 Vaccaro, Michelangelo, 113–4, 132–33, 135, 137; La lotta per l’esistenza, 131 Vadalà-Papale, Giuseppe, 133 Vann, Michael G., 428 Vandervelde, Émile, 68 Vanni, Icilio, 113 Vavilov, Nikolai, 76 Veblen, horstein, 151: “leisure class” theory, 113 Venezuela: anti-terrorism laws, 257 Verein für Sozialpolitik (Social Policy Association), 168–87 Versailles, Treaty of, 166, 185 Verstehen, 166 Vico, Giovan Battista (also Giambattista), 112–13, 161n5 Victorian era: periodicals of, 87 Vierkandt, Alfred, 19 Vietnam: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as French colony, 325; political parties: Constitutionalist Party, 422 Vietnam War, 215–18, 234, 236–37 Vincent, George Edgard, 84, 97 violence, colonial, 15, 92, 103, 109, 123, 190, 194, 197– 98, 327, 357, 391n2, 418, 491– 92, 494 Virgilii, Filippo, 133, 164n22 Visvesvaraya, Sir M. (Dewan), 346, 349, 350, 365n33; Planned Economy for India, 342; Reconstructing India, 352–53 Vladivostock (Russia), 61– 62 Volkov, Fyodor, 70 Volney, Constantin-François, 49n22 von Treitschke, Heinrich, 298n14 Wacquant, Löic, 460 Wadiyar, Krishnaraja (IV), 353 Wadiyar, Sri Kantirava Narashimharaja, 349 Wagner, Adolf, 169, 176 Wales: relation to Britain, 283–84, 287 Wallace, Alfred, 472 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 5, 44; on colonial Africa, ix, 36. See also world system approaches Wall Street (United States), 219–20 Walras, Léon, 164n26 Walt, Stephen, 454 Ward, Lester (Frank), 84, 86, 88, 93, 97, 103; Applied Sociology, 105n9 “war on terror,” 229, 243, 245– 75 (chap. 8), 457, 497 Washington, Booker T., 177, 179 “Washington Consensus,” 220, 301, 306–8, 311, 436, 448, 497 Wax, Murray, xvn8 Weatherly, Ulysses, 89, 98– 99, 104n5 Weber, Alfred, 4, 7–8, 18–20, 26, 31 Weber, Eugen, 285 Weber, Jacques, 418, 433 Weber, Marianne, 179, 182, 186n6 Weber, Max, 4, 6, 17–20, 41, 43, 45, 46n7, 71, 146, 167, 169, 296n1, 297n12, 490; on African Americans, 177–82; Economy and Society, 24–26; on Poles in Germany, 172– 74, 178; Protestant Ethic, 180–81; Psychophysik, 181; on religion, 180–82, 185; on Roman Empire, 24–26; Sociology of Religion, 180, 183 Webster, Hutton: Primitive Secret Societies, 88 Weekly Standard (magazine, United States), 232–33 Weimar Republic: sociology in, x, 6–8, 28 Westermarck, Edward, 135; Origin and Development of Moral Ideas, 88 West Indies, 97 West, Max, 99 Westphalia, Treaty of, 24, 294, 450–54 Wheeler, G. C., 13 Wiese, Leopold von, 18 Willoughby, William, 96 Wilson, Woodrow, 96, 102, 138, 281, 294, 479; dealings with Mexico, 149–50 Wisconsin, University of, 96 Wolf, Christian, 21 Index · 609 From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96 Wolfowitz, Paul, 229, 232 Wood, Leonard, 480–85 Worcester, Dean C., 96 World Bank, 220–23, 226, 306– 9, 312, 445, 454 World Fairs, 87: Paris (1900), 68, 114; Paris (1901), 145; St. Louis (1904) 83–85, 95, 97, 105n14, 178 “world state” (Tarde), 21 world system approaches, ix, 35–36, 38, 42, 44, 188, 230, 238, 249–55, 259, 300, 302, 306, 308, 316, 369, 391n4. See also Wallerstein, Immanuel World Trade Orga nization (wto), 224–26, 450–51 World War I (WWI), 102–3, 192, 281, 318. See also Versailles, Treaty of World War II (WWII), 109, 214–15, 231, 236, 318, 372 World War III (Bergesen), 317–18 Worms, René, 18, 68, 107, 117 Worsley, Peter, ix, xivn2 Wright, Luke, 478 Xinhai Revolution (China), 48n16, 102 Yale University, 96 Young, Arthur, 479 Yugoslavia (former), 228–31, 293 Yukichi, Fukuzawa, 403 Zadari, Asif Ali, 271 Zak, A. N.: State Bankruptcy, 82n17 Zeitschrit für Völkerpsychologie und Soziologie (journal, Germany), xivn2 Zimbabwe: as British colony, 85 Zionism, 49n27, 454, 460 Znaniecki, Florian: Polish Peasant in Europe and America (with homas), 89, 104 Zog, King (Ahmet Zogu), 107, 385 “zones of indistinction” (Agamben), 446–47 610 · Index From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409 Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96