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Title 37 C. F. R., Chapter II, Part 201.14
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SOCIOLOGY & EMPIRE
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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POLITICS, HISTORY, AND CULTURE
A series from the International Institute at the University of Michigan
SERIES EDITORS
George Steinmetz and Julia Adams
Fernando Coronil
Mamadou Diouf
Michael Dutton
Geof Eley
Fatma Müge Göcek
SERIES EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Nancy Rose Hunt
Julie Skurski
Andreas Kalyvas
Margaret Somers
Webb Keane
Ann Laura Stoler
David Laitin
Katherine Verdery
Lydia Liu
Elizabeth Wingrove
Sponsored by the International Institute at the University of Michigan and published by
Duke University Press, this series is centered around cultural and historical studies of power,
politics, and the state—a ield that cuts across the disciplines of history, sociology, anthropology, political science, and cultural studies. he focus on the relationship between state and
culture refers both to a methodological approach—the study of politics and the state using
culturalist methods—and a substantive one that treats signifying practices as an essential
dimension of politics. he dialectic of politics, culture, and history igures prominently in
all the books selected for the series.
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SOCIOLOGY & EMPIRE
he Imperial Entanglements of a Discipline
edited by george steinmetz
Duke University Press · Durham and London · 2013
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© 2013 Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper ∞
Designed by Courtney Baker.
Typeset in 10.8/14 Arno Pro by Westchester Publishing Ser vices.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Sociology and empire : the imperial entanglements of a discipline / George
Steinmetz, ed.
pages cm — (Politics, history, and culture)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978- 0-8223-5258- 7 (cloth : alk. paper) —
isbn 978- 0-8223-5279-2 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Imperialism. 2. Sociology. I. Steinmetz, George, 1957– II. Series: Politics,
history, and culture.
jc359.S693 2013
306.2—dc23
2013005287
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Contents
Preface ix
One · Major Contributions to Sociological heory
and Research on Empire, 1830s–Present
george steinmetz
1
part i
NATIONAL SOCIOLOGICAL FIELDS & THE STUDY OF EMPIRE
Two · Russian Sociology in Imperial Context
alexander semyonov, marina mogilner,
and ilya gerasimov
53
hree · Sociology’s Imperial Unconscious
he Emergence of American Sociology in the Context of Empire
julian go
83
Four · Empire for the Poor
Imperial Dreams and the Quest for an Italian Sociology, 1870s–1950s
marco santoro
106
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Five · German Sociology and Empire
From Internal Colonization to Overseas Colonization and Back Again
andrew zimmerman
166
Six · he Durkheimian School and Colonialism
Exploring the Constitutive Paradox
fuyuki kurasawa
188
part ii
CURRENT SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF EMPIRE
Seven · he Recent Intensiication of
American Economic and Military Imperialism
Are hey Connected?
michael mann
213
Eight · he Empire’s New Laws
Terrorism and the New Security Empire ater 9/11
kim lane scheppele
245
Nine · Empires and Nations
Convergence or Divergence?
krishan kumar
279
Ten · he New Surgical Colonialism
China, Africa, and Oil
albert j. bergesen
300
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part iii
HISTORICAL STUDIES OF COLONIALISM & EMPIRE
Eleven · Nation and Empire in the French Context
emmanuelle saada
321
Twelve · Empire and Developmentalism in Colonial India
chandan gowda
340
hirteen · Building the Cities of Empire
Urban Planning in the Colonial Cities of Italy’s Fascist Empire
besnik pula
366
Fourteen · Japanese Colonial Structure in Korea in Comparative Perspective
ou-byung chae
396
Fiteen · Native Policy and Colonial State
Formation in Pondicherry (India) and Vietnam
Recasting Ethnic Relations, 1870s–1920s
anne raffin
415
Sixteen · he Constitution of State/Space and the
Limits of “Autonomy” in South Africa and Palestine/Israel
andy clarno
436
Seventeen · Resistance and the Contradictory Rationalities of
State Formation in British Malaya and the American Philippines
daniel p. s. goh
465
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Conclusion
Understanding Empire
raewyn connell
489
Bibliography 499
List of Contributors 575
Index 581
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Preface
he idea for this collection began to emerge during the 1990s, when I
started working on the connections between ethnographic discourse and
German colonial policy. At that time, colonialism and empires were central topics of discussion in the weekly workshop I ran with David Laitin at
the University of Chicago and in the book series David and I edited together.1 One notable feature of that workshop and book series, however,
was that almost none of the scholars working on imperial topics came from
sociology. I started to supervise sociology PhD dissertations on imperial
topics during the early 1990s, but most of the theoretical and empirical references in these theses came from anthropology and history, and to a lesser
extent from political science, geography, literary criticism, and cultural
studies. It seemed that there was almost no disciplinary memory of earlier
sociolog ical work on imperial themes. Scholars of colonialism who had
described themselves as sociologists—including Richard hurnwald, René
Maunier, Jacques Berque, Georges Balandier, Albert Memmi, Roger Bastide, St. Clair Drake, Peter Worsley, and Clyde Mitchell—had been written
out of the ield or recategorized as anthropologists or area specialists. 2
here was little awareness in sociology, outside a few specialized departments, of colonial research by people who had always been identiied with
sociology, such as E. A. Ross, Albert G. Keller, Robert Michels, E. Franklin
Frazier, Pierre Bourdieu, or Anouar Abdel-Malek (who edited Sociology of
Imperialism; Abdel-Malek 1971). Immanuel Wallerstein was known for
world-system theory but not for his earlier work on colonial Africa. 3
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As the essays in this volume suggest, however, the period from the mid1970s to the mid-1990s was an anomalous one in the history of academic sociology in terms of the relative lack of interest in colonialism and empires.
here were several reasons for the disappearance of imperial studies within
sociology in the 1970s. he i rst was the collapse of European colonialism
and its replacement by less overt techniques of American imperial inluence. Second, postwar sociology had rejected its own disciplinary legacies
of historical sociology and marginalized the émigré German sociologists
who tried to instill into U.S. sociology elements of the rich historicism that
had lourished in Weimar Germany (Steinmetz 2010c). If sociology was a
science of the present, and if empires belonged to the dustbin of history,
there was no longer any reason to study empires or colonies. A third reason
for this turning away from empire was postwar sociology’s entrenched
methodological nationalism (criticized by Martins 1974). he U.S. nationstate became a naturalized unit of analysis, understood as a container of social processes. Sociologists fell back on studies of domestic phenomena occurring inside that national container.4 Since the 1990s, an explicit critique
of methodological nationalism has become more prevalent in the social sciences (Taylor 1994, 1996), including sociology (Beck 2006). A fourth factor
was the emergence of historical sociology out of its defensive crouch vis-à-vis
the rest of the sociolog ical discipline. Once historical sociologists no longer
felt compelled to legitimate themselves in pseudo-scientiic ways, they were
free to stop proving they were sociologists by ignoring work on imperial history being done by historians. Imperial political formations reentered the
general social scientiic ield of vision in this same period. Two milestones
were the translation of Carl Schmitt’s Nomos of the Earth (Schmitt 2003)
and the discussion of Empire (Hardt and Negri 2000).
I discovered more fruitful conditions for colonial and imperial studies in
sociology once I moved to the University of Michigan at the end of the 1990s.
Michigan has long been a hotbed of research on colonialism, postcolonialism, and empire across the social sciences and the humanities. More unusual
at Michigan is the emphasis on colonial and imperial history inside the Sociology Department itself.5 he long-serving chair of the Michigan Sociology
Department, Robert Cooley Angell, had argued in 1962 that sociology had
reached its highest stage of development due to the “throwing of of colonialism in the 1950s” and the resulting “great interest in the underdeveloped
world.”6 As a result of Angell’s hiring eforts7 and those of some of his successors, Michigan has long been one of the few U.S. sociology departments
i lled with “area” specialists in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Europe, some
x · Preface
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of them trained in anthropology or history.8 Michigan was also the center of
the new historical sociology that took of in the 1970s, starting with the recruitment of Charles Tilly in 1968. Tilly discussed empires and their decline
and the speciic dilemmas of postcolonial states, and endorsed an explicitly
“historicist” epistemology (Steinmetz 2010a; Tilly 1975, 1990, 1997a). Nonetheless, even at Michigan there seemed to be little awareness of earlier sociological contributions to the study of empire and colonized cultures, some of
them historically associated with the Michigan department itself.
In light of the sociology’s disciplinary amnesia about its own engagement
with colonialism and empire, one of my aims in putting together the present
volume has been to recover earlier sociolog ical work in this area. Sociology
can never aspire to be a cumulative science in which earlier work can be
safely discarded.9 Ongoing social research always remains connected to its
own past in ways that distinguish the human sciences from the natural sciences. he much vaunted relexivity of social science requires historical selfanalysis. Intellectual history or the historical sociology of social science is
an integral part of all social science.10
he task of reconstructing earlier sociolog ical discussions is urgent in
light of mounting critiques of the latent and manifest colonial assumptions
and imperial ideologies informing current sociolog ical theory and research
(Bhambra 2007; Connell 2007; Steinmetz 2006a). here is an urgent need
not only for research and theoretical work on empires but also for critical
relection on the ways sociology has been shaped by empire. Pierre Bourdieu once argued that a “social science of ‘colonial’ ‘science’ [was] one of the
preconditions for a genuine decolonization of . . . social science” (1993b: 50),
but he was never able to carry out this project himself. André Adam explored “the condition of sociology in the colonial situation” but limited his
attention to sociologists studying colonial Morocco (Adam 1968: 18). he
current discussion was inaugurated in the English-speaking world by a 1997
American Journal of Sociology article by Raewyn Connell (see also the conclusion of the present volume).
A related intervention began more than a half decade ago with a lurry of
books and articles by C. Wright Mills. Mills discerned the emergence of a
new and distinctive form of American imperialism in the 1940s and 1950s,
and he connected this new imperial formation to an intensiied threat to the
autonomy of social scientists and intellectuals in general. For Mills, scientiic autonomy was the precondition for any public engagement by the sociologist (Mills 1959b: 106). Bourdieu’s subsequent arguments for scientiic
autonomy as the basis for responsible public interventions by social scientists
Preface · xi
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are phrased in almost identical terms.11 Mills’s Sociological Imagination contained a scathing critique of the forms of narrow-gauge policy research he
called “abstracted empiricism.” he problem with this style of sociology,
according to Mills, was not just its specialization but its dependence on the
goals, interests, and directives of the “power elite”—governments, corporations, and the military. Mills insisted that “if social science is not autonomous, it cannot be a publicly responsible enterprise” (106). In 1948 Mills had
already called in the pages of the American Sociological Review for the creation of “a third camp of science” (1948: 272), and he pointed to the growing
entwinement of policy-oriented social science with U.S. imperialism. In he
Sociological Imagination, Mills associated the positivist demand for prediction and control with the aims of military powers. Mills argued that “diferent theories” of imperialism were needed “for diferent periods” (1958: 72).
Mills had already suggested in Character and Social Structure, which he and
Hans Gerth had drated during World War II, that the United States had become a new kind of empire, one that “expand[s] its military area of control
by establishing naval and air bases abroad without assuming overt political
responsibility” for the direct governance of foreign political bodies, in contrast to European colonialism (Gerth and Mills 1953: 205). h is new form of
American empire was connected, for Mills, to baleful efects on American intellectuals. On the one hand, the emergence of what he called the American
“supersociety” entailed an enormous increase in decisionistic power within
international policymaking and capitalist production—an “enlargement
and centralization of the means of history-making” (Mills 1958: 30, 115–116).
Correspondingly, the potential power of the intellectual had also increased
markedly. Intellectuals therefore had a central role to play in resisting “war
thinking” (137). At the same time, many social scientists were now “experts”
and were only as free as their masters allowed them to be, as Mills suggested
in an article that attacked what he called “crackpot realism.” h is article was
accompanied by an illustration (next page) showing an expert (at let) advising
the political and military sectors of the power elite on matters geopolitical.
Mills’s initial response to the power elite’s tightening grip on science was
to argue that the intellectuals’ “i rst job today is to be consistently and altogether unconstructive” (1958: 157). At a more “constructive” level, however, autonomous intellectuals could attempt to reclaim the “expropriated”
means of cultural production and constitute themselves as an independent
and oppositional group (Mills 1944; 1958: 160–161). An important basis for
this collective project would be the university, which Mills hoped could become a “world intelligence center for the people,” a “permanent third camp
xii · Preface
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Image from C. Wright Mills, “Crackpot Realism” (1959a).
in world afairs rather than . . . a cradle from which retinues of experts are
drawn at will by statesmen” (1948: 272).
Today we are confronting two crises that are oten experienced as separate but that are actually interwoven: “the crisis of the universities” and “the
crisis of empire.” In the United States, military sources made up the largest
share of social science funding from World War II until well into the 1960s,
and this important source of research support never disappeared. Since
2001, funding for social scientiic counterinsurgency and military research
expanded along with jobs in these areas, while university jobs disappeared.
hese trends pose a severe threat to sociologists’ hard-won scientiic autonomy.12 In the United States, as in Britain and elsewhere, there is increasing
pressure “to make academic research serve political ends” (Guttenplan 2011).
he most extreme example of this has been the involvement of anthropologists and sociologists in the Human Terrain Project and as “embedded” advisers with American troops in Afghanistan (Cohen 2007; Der Derian 2010;
Kelly 2010; Mulrine 2007; Price 2011). he goals of the Defense Department’s Minerva Project, which is remarkably similar to the 1960s Project
Camelot (Wax 1979), include i nding techniques to “support more efective,
more culturally sensitive interactions between the US military and Islamic
populations.”13 he problems that motivated C. Wright Mills a half century
ago are still, or once again, our own.
NOTES
1. See the essays in Steinmetz (1999) for a summing up of the work of this series.
My turn to colonialism in the early 1990s was inspired by the work of David Laitin
and other University of Chicago colleagues, especially Jean and John Comarof,
Prasenjit Duara, Andrew Apter, Ralph Austen, Barney Cohn, and my i rst PhD
student, Suk-Jun Han, now vice president of Dong-A University in Korea (see Han
Preface · xiii
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1995). I discussed German colonial welfare policy briely in Steinmetz (1993) and
gave my i rst presentation on German colonial culture that year at the Smart Museum of Art, in the series “Kultur/Kommerz/Kommunikation: Interdisciplinary
Perspectives on Germany and Austria, 1890–1945.”
2. hurnwald was a professor of sociology, ethnology, and ethnic psychology
(Völkerpsychologie) at Berlin University and founded the journal Sociologus (called
Zeitschrit für Völkerpsychologie und Soziologie until 1932). Maunier was a student of
Mauss and author of Sociology of Colonies (Maunier 1932, 1949). Balandier insisted
on his identity as a sociologist during the i rst two decades of his career, when he
carried out his important work in French West Africa (Steinmetz 2010a). Bastide
held the sociology chair at the University of São Paulo for sixteen years, starting in
1938, and edited the Année Sociologique from 1962 to 1974 (De Quieroz 1975). Berque
dei ned himself as a sociologist throughout his entire academic career, as did
Memmi. St. Clair Drake’s doctorate was in anthropology (Drake 1954), but he had
coauthored the famous study of Chicago, Black Metropolis, with a fellow graduate
student in sociology (Drake and Cayton 1945) and was a sociology professor at
Roosevelt University in Chicago from 1946 until 1973 and head of the sociology
department at the University College of Ghana between 1958 and 1961. Drake’s
PhD dissertation was on race relations in the British Isles, and some of his later
work focused on colonial and postcolonial West Africa (e.g., Drake 1956, 1960).
Mitchell (born 1918), was trained in sociology and social anthropology in South
Africa, was an assistant anthropologist, senior sociologist, and director of the
Rhodes-Livingston Institute in Northern Rhodesia, taught African studies and
sociology at the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (1957–1965), was
professor of urban sociology at the University of Manchester (1966–1973), and inally became sociology professor and oicial fellow of Nuield College, Oxford, in
1973 (Oxford University, Rhodes House, MSS. Afr. s. 1825 [80A], “Personal Data”).
Peter Worsley (born 1924) earned his doctorate in social anthropology from Australian National University in 1954 but went on to become the i rst lecturer in sociology chair at Hull University (1956) and the i rst professor of sociology at the
University of Manchester (1964–1982) (Peter Maurice Worsley curriculum vitae, in
author’s possession). Anouar Abdel-Malek has a doctorat de sociologie from the Sorbonne; see Gale Research, Contemporary Authors (Detroit: Gale Research Co.),
online. Accessed 1/13/2013.
3. Although the early work by Bourdieu and Wallerstein on colonialism has
gained more recognition in recent years, Frazier’s interest in colonialism, which
emerged while he served as chief of the Division of Applied Social Sciences of
unesco (1951–1953), is still less familiar; see Frazier (1955).
4. It would be a simpliication to attribute the widespread acceptance of methodological nationalism entirely to processes occurring outside the ivory tower during
the Cold War. he geopolitics of informal empire ater 1945 could also have encouraged an international or transnational sociolog ical epistemology. Historical changes
are rarely expressed directly in social scientiic doxa, as can be seen in the continuing interest of German and Italian sociologists in colonialism long ater their respecxiv · Preface
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tive colonial empires had disappeared—that is, at er 1918 and 1945, respectively
(Steinmetz 2009a, 2009b; see also chapter 4).
5. See especially Adams (1994), Chae (2006), Clarno (2008, 2009), Decoteau
(2008), Göcek (1987, 2011), Goh (2005), Gowda (2007), Hall and Rose (2006), Paige
(1975), and Pula (2008).
6. Angell, notes on seminar “What Does History Ofer Sociology” (ca. 1962), in
Robert Cooley Angell papers, Bentley Library, University of Michigan, folder
“Outlines of Talks.”
7. Especially important was the hiring in sociology of Horace Miner, an anthropologist who had retrained himself during World War II as a specialist in North
Africa (Miner 1953, 1960, 1965). Angell also hired David F. Aberle, an anthropologist who studied Hopi, Navaho, and Ute culture. By (re)introducing the study of
the internally colonized American Indians into U.S. sociology, Aberle’s hire broke
with the notorious academic division of labor according to which anthropology is
assigned to the “savage slot” (Trouillot 1991).
8. As the essays in this book demonstrate, Trouillot’s (1991) analysis does not
fully capture the division of ontological labor between sociology and anthropology,
which was variable across period and geographic setting. Sociologists studied colonized cultures from the beginning of the academic discipline, and this included the
internally colonized Native American. During its early decades the American Journal of Sociology carried articles on American Indians by Ohio State sociologist Fayette Avery McKenzie, founder of the Society of American Indians (McKenzie 1911)
and by Kansas sociologist Frank Wilson Blackmar (1929). Native Americans are
discussed in Durkheim ([1912] 1995) and Durkheim and Mauss (1969a). Important
sociolog ical studies of American Indians since the 1960s include Champagne
(2006), Cornell (1988), Garroutte (2001, 2003, 2008), Nagel (2006), Pollock (1984),
Snipp (1985, 1986, 1992), Wax (1971), and Wax and Buchanan (1975).
9. One of the most fruitful recent examples of redeploying earlier sociolog ical
theory was Michael Mann’s (1986) return to Gumplowicz and Oppenheimer (discussed in chapter 1), who theorized the military sources of state expansion and
empire formation.
10. All cultural producers need to familiarize themselves with the historical genesis and development of the ields in which they are active in order to understand
the illusio to which they themselves are subject. hey need to have a sense of the
existing forms of autonomous and heteronomous practice within the ield. Even in
a natural science ield like mathematics or geology, participants need to be aware of
the external powers and institutions to which heteronomous scientists are linked,
the ways in which autonomous scientists have tried to insulate themselves from
forms of external dependency, the typical strategies of dominated newcomers and
consecrated elites in the ield, and so forth. he need for self-relexivity is especially
pronounced in the social and human sciences, however, because of certain peculiarities of these Geisteswissenschaten. First, human beings are capable of consciously or
unconsciously changing their own practice in response to social science; this is one
of the “looping efects” between social science and its objects of analysis discussed
Preface · xv
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by Hacking (1995). Second, the inherently meaning-laden character of human practice necessitates an interpretive, hermeneutic approach to understanding practice.
Explanatory social science therefore usually appears in textualized forms, which
are better suited for representing interpretive, meaningful action than numerical
data or statistical models. Social science writing, like all writing, has to rely on rhetorical forms, tropes, narrative plot structures, and other stylistic devices. In social
scientiic writing it is likely that some of these literary forms are inherited from
earlier social science writing. h ird, relexivity about one’s own position is crucial
for minimizing or at least perceiving processes of transference and countertransference that arise in the interpretation of social practice. Fourth, the intrinsically
political character of social life makes value-free social science a chimerical goal;
the best that can be hoped for is a relexive understanding of the array of political
stances toward social objects and one’s own position in this space of possibilities.
What some see as sociolog ical navel-gazing is thus an integral part of all genuine
social science.
11. Bourdieu (1999/2000, 2001); Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992: 187–188). For a more
recent intervention connected to Mills and Bourdieu, see Burawoy (2004, 2006).
12. Scientiic autonomy is related to academic freedom and freedom of speech
but is not an identical concept. On the former, see Bourdieu (1991b, 1993a, 2000,
2001, 2004); on the U.S. concepts of academic freedom and freedom of speech, see
Finkin and Post (2009); on the history of the German approach to freedom of science, teaching, and the universities, on which the American concept was originally
based, see Laaser (1981) and Müller and Schwinges (2008).
13. See Department of Defense, baa (Broad Agency Announcement) No.
W911NF-08-R-0007, at http://www.arl.army.mil/www/default.cfm?page=362. he
Defense Department agreed to allow peer review of proposals, but the Minerva program’s dei nition of fundable projects was determined by American military and
geopolitical interests. See David Glenn, “Pentagon Announces First Grants in Disputed Social-Science Program,” Chronicle of Higher Education, December 23, 2008;
and http://www.ssrc.org/programs/minerva-controversy/.
xvi · Preface
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THIRTEEN
Building the Cities of Empire
Urban Planning in the Colonial Cities of Italy’s Fascist Empire
besnik pula
INTRODUCTION
Anyone reared in the postcolonial sensibilities of American academe can
easily be struck by the delight with which average citizens of Albania’s capital, Tirana, express admiration for the squares and buildings laid out and
erected by Italian builders and funded largely by Italian capital in the 1930s
and 1940s. No doubt, the impressively large Skënderbeg Square at the center
of the city, the neoclassical buildings that are home to ministries and other
government oices, and the modernist structures that house the public
university—all a legacy of Albania’s domination by Italy in the era between
the two world wars—contrast sharply with the drab and mostly unimpressive architecture of the ive decades of socialist rule that followed in the postwar era. he architectural diferences continue thus to signify the failure of
the socialist state to live up to its promises of progress and modernization,
compared with what the Italians had seemingly been capable of accomplishing within a much shorter period. But more than this contrast between
two historical epochs, the layout of Tirana’s center, with vast open space and
wide boulevards reminiscent of something that could have been thought up
by a Le Corbusier (who, incidentally, declined the ofer to design Tirana’s
urban layout back in the 1930s, opting for Algiers instead), and the stock of
Italian-made buildings, aligned against the old mosque and the few surviving Ottoman-era structures of old Tirana, become exceptionally important
for an intellectual culture that has become i xated, since the fall of the
communist regime, on a seemingly irresolvable contradiction over “civilizational” orientations, questioning whether and to what extent Albania has,
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is, and will be i nally departing the “East” and embracing the “West” (Sulstarova 2006).
Contrast this relationship with the past with another society with a shared
history of Italian dominance during the same period. he object that symbolizes the Italian colonial period for most Ethiopians is the thousand-yearold Aksum obelisk, a commemorative monument to the ancient Ethiopian
empire, seized in 1937 under Mussolini’s orders and installed in Rome as a
trophy of colonial conquest. Only recently has the Italian government fuli lled its formal promise of returning the obelisk, which had been an object
of contention between the two states ever since Ethiopia regained independence.1 It is notable how, in both cases, the built environment signiies vastly
distinct colonial legacies of the very same colonial power. In one case, the
Italian colonial past represents a certain political and cultural connection to
the West; in the other, the thet of the obelisk demonstrates that colonialism
was motivated by racism and intended little more than the repression of native culture. But in both cases, the built environment, more than representing a mere collection of physical constructs with aesthetic value, functions
as a central object of contention in the construction and reconstruction of
postcolonial legacies, cultural identities, and the meaning of past and present political struggles.2
Developments such as these have motivated researchers to question the
ideological, institutional, and political goals and motivations that stood behind colonial interventions into the built environment. No doubt, the rise
and institutionalization of professional urban planning during the early
twentieth century meant that the possibility for such interventions became
much more likely and systematic. he importance of demonstrating the superiority of the civilization of the colonizer took the form of, as one Italian
architect stated in the mid-1930s, the need to impose culture not only through
laws but also through buildings.3 As one of the signiicant features of modernera colonialism that has recently received the attention of scholars, colonial
urbanism becomes an important way of understanding colonialism and its
legacy in the full range of its dimensions.
h is brings us to the general question posed by this chapter: in what ways
did colonial urban planning, that is, the use of city design as a tool of social
policy, operate as a mechanism of domination, and what explains its variation over diferent colonial contexts? While existing research cast the colonial city as a social machine employed by colonial rulers to maintain social
and physical boundaries between colonizer and colonized, my goal here is
to illustrate, by way of comparison, that the social and symbolic function of
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colonial urbanism diverged across colonial contexts with the institutional
and ideological form that empire building took in each context. In the case
of Italian colonialism, I show how policies of colonial urbanism and architecture relected the distinct ideological and institutional ways in which Italy’s dominant elites sought to represent their empire and mobilize colonial
subjects into the project of Italian empire building. In Ethiopia, Italian
empire was intended and carried out as a project of direct domination and
subjugation of what was seen as a racially inferior population, whom empire would “civilize.” Dei ned by the colonial “rule of diference” (Chatterjee 1993; see also Steinmetz 2007b), Ethiopians were treated as legally subordinate and the country administratively reorga nized and annexed to
existing colonies Eritrea and Somalia. In Albania, by contrast, Italy’s empire was described as a “community,” dei ned by its goal of universalizing
Fascist social order ofering underdeveloped societies a path to modernization that was both rapid and protected against what Fascist ideologues
claimed to be the degeneracies of liberal and communist alternatives. Italy’s political domination of Albania was disguised by such gestures as giving Albanians formal equal citizenship rights, supporting Albanian irredentism and enlarging the state’s territory, and establishing institutions for
the study and promotion of Albanian culture. As a component of colonial
policy, colonial urban planning relected these goals. While city design in
Ethiopia was intended to promote racial divisions, in Albania public architecture was intended to convey the triumph of Albanian nationalism under
Italian empire.
Why compare Ethiopia and Albania? In comparison to Italy’s longer, pre–
Fascist era colonies in Libya and Eritrea, both Ethiopia and Albania were
conquered and ruled by Italy within roughly the same time frame (Ethiopia,
1935–1941; Albania, 1939–1943). Yet Italian colonial urbanism in these two
colonies catered to radically diferent goals: Italian urban planners in Addis
Ababa sought to radically refashion the city as the capital of the newly established Italian East Africa and create distinctly segregated Italian and native
zones and urban facilities, while in Tirana, even while Italians settled in the
city in signiicant numbers, Italian urban planners sought to reinforce the
image of an Albanian (albeit Fascistized) national capital. Even as Italian
architects and urban planners jostled to join the imperial bandwagon and
convinced the government to set up an Oice of Colonial Urbanism in
charge of designing colonial cities and settlements in Italian East Africa,
Tirana was intended more as a showcase of “Fascist style” and seen outside
the context of colonial urbanism per se. Plans of “ethnic zoning” were never
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contemplated there, while racial segregation constituted the basis of all
planning in Italian East Africa. h is chapter is concerned with accounting
for this divergence in Italian colonial urbanism, by situating the role of architects and urban planners within the overall framework of the Italian
imperial enterprise.
h is leads us to the question of the broader signiicance of colonial urbanism and its relevance as a feature of modern colonialism. Colonialism,
as King (1990) points out, was constituted but also expressed by the structure, orga nization, and layout of colonial cities and settlements. While
even early modern colonies exhibited certain patterns of settlement and
spatial division between settlers and natives (Ross and Telkamp 1985),
modern colonial states were among the i rst to develop the institutional
means of direct intervention into urban environments through detailed
planning and centralized control of architecture and city layout. Even Le
Corbusier, the infamous architect who vigorously promoted planning
methods in Eu rope and the United States during the interwar era, was able
to realize most of his plans not in any Eu ropean capital but in Algiers, the
capital of colonial Algeria (Lamprakos 1992). For a long time, such interventions into the built environment were interpreted by sociologists as resulting from global processes of “modernization” (Davis 1955; Light 1983)
or, alternatively, of the gradual integration of Eu ropean colonies into the
world capitalist system (Castells 1977; Chase-Dunn and Smith 1984; Smith
1996). Only a small number of sociologists developed an interest in explaining the actual content of colonial urban policies and the consequences
of such interventions for the structure, layout, and social dynamics of colonial cities. Pioneering research in the ield focused on the processes leading
to the development of “dual-city” morphologies (Abu-Lughod 1965, 1980)
and the cultural consequences of colonial urbanism (King 1976). However,
even while the emphasis on local historical dynamics in such studies transcended the theoretical limits of world-systems theory and its epistemological privileging of global structural forces, those studies nonetheless
still retained an ambiguous relationship with that theoretical approach. In
King’s case, this led to an advocacy of a theoretical approach to the study of
colonial cities that amalgamated a number of distinct theories and methodologies with no clear emphasis in causal structures (King 1990; D. Smith
1991).4 In his later work as well, King (1995, 2004) is unable to resolve the
contradictions between his dual emphasis on cultural factors and colonial
discourses and his holding on to a position that advocates the causal primacy of the global capitalist market in urban development, including the
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determination of architectural forms. King’s theoretical conundrum may
be symptomatic both of the marginal position of colonial urban studies
within sociology and the need to attach colonial urban studies to shit ing
dominant paradigms in urban sociology. Dominant approaches in urban
sociology, conversely, have scantly considered colonial cities as objects of
analysis (Orum and Chen 2002).
King’s more recent work incorporates the growing interest in colonial
urbanism of disciplines such as anthropology and architectural history. Less
under the sway of theoretical paradigms in urban sociology and under the
more direct inluence of postcolonial theory and Foucault’s critical analysis
of power, the study of colonial urbanism in these disciplines interprets colonial urbanism as a component part of colonial discourse. Such discourseoriented approaches see the origins of colonial urbanism as part and parcel
of the transformations of a technologically oriented modernity that sought
to turn the city itself into a “regulator of modern society” (Rabinow 1989),
as a consequence of planners intending to demonstrate the possibilities of
urban planning by using colonies as sites of experimentation (Wright 1991),
while others have analyzed colonial architectural forms as physical inscriptions of the discourse of colonial diference (Metcalf 1989). Architectural
historians have distinguished their work from social analysts by their emphasis on the “physical frame of things” and urban “spatial characteristics,”
even if their intended analysis is the embeddedness of architectural practice
in relations of power (Çelik 1997: 2). However, as the critical theoretical work
of Lefebvre ([1974] 1991) argues, any analytical separation of social dynamics
and spatial features, in par ticu lar the social use and representation of urban
space, may be untenable (see also Gregory and Urry 1985). In any event, renewed research into colonial urbanism by other disciplines has exposed the
limits of the economistically driven analyses of urban development that
have dominated urban sociology, and the speciic need to examine colonial
urban formations as historical objects in their own right. More than mere
symptoms of anonymous structural forces, historically based research has
shown the implication of urban planning and architecture with colonial
discourse and its “rule of diference” in the production of colonial urban
space. Economistic analyses of colonial urban development fall lat particularly in the case of Italian colonial urbanism, which produced few economic
beneits to the Italian state and Italian capitalists, while Italy’s entire colonial endeavor proved to be disastrous from an economic perspective (Larebo 1994; Mack Smith 1976). Speciic focus on urban layout and architectural form, objects of analysis that sociologists have typically shied away
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from, and the demonstration of their contentious social functions and semiotic values for colonial administrators, metropolitan publics, and colonized
subjects bring to light the need to study colonial cities as more than mere
physical amalgamations of buildings and as speciic kinds of cultural products that provide broader insights into the institutions and dynamics of
colonial domination.
While substantial research has been carried out by historians on French
and British colonial architecture and urbanism (Metcalf 1989; Wright 1991),
interest in Italian colonial urbanism is much more recent and in relation to
the Fascist period commonly linked to Fascism’s general ideological and
political relationship with urbanism. Fascist ideology had an uneasy and at
times antagonistic attitude toward urbanization, driven primarily by its
conservative inclinations toward a managed and controlled industrialization that would preserve the agrarian character of society. Ironically, however, the period of Fascist rule in Italy was characterized by massive projects
of urban transformation both within Italy and abroad (Kostof 1973, 1994;
Mioni 1986). In Italy, this included the building of over eighty new planned
urban settlements (Ghirardo 1989), as well as the transformation of existing
cities, including the capital, Rome. Rome in par ticu lar was a prominent site
of Fascist-era urban transformation, which included systematic demolitions
to make way for expansive boulevards and squares that served as the backdrop to Fascism’s mass spectacles and the rising to prominence of Romanera ruins. 5
Fascist-era urbanism extended into Italy’s colonies as well. For example, Tripoli, which had been under Italian control since 1911, had few
architectural or planning interventions during the liberal era. However,
with the rise of the Fascist regime, Tripoli underwent signiicant changes
in urban layout and public architecture (Von Henneberg 1994). Similar
transformations were efected in Eritrea and Somalia. However, it was
ater Ethiopia’s conquest that Italian architects and planners developed
their most ambitious plans (Fuller 2007; Gresleri, Massaretti, and Zagnoni 1993). With references to Roman ruins and the regeneration of the
ancient empire, colonial urbanism became a constitutive feature of Italian
overseas expansion, to an extent that (given its short life span) perhaps
exceeded those of other Western colonial empires. In what follows, this
chapter examines the discursive sources and the institutional structures
that determined Italy’s vastly divergent urban planning goals in two colonies, Albania and Ethiopia, and particularly their respective capitals,
Tirana and Addis Ababa.
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BUILDING ITALY’S FASCIST EMPIRE: ITALIAN EXPANSION IN AFRICA
AND THE EASTERN ADRIATIC COAST, 1935–1943
Like Germany and Belgium, Italy was a relative latecomer to the colonial
fray. But whereas Germany lost all its overseas possessions ater 1919, Italy
continued to maintain a presence in the territories of present-day Eritrea
(which, i rst occupied in 1860, was Italy’s oldest colony), Somalia (occupied
in 1889 and reoccupied in 1905), and Libya (occupied in 1911). hese colonies
persisted as Italy transformed from a liberal into a fascist state beginning
with Mussolini’s takeover in 1922, and Italian overseas expansion resumed
once again with the invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. Ater the completion of
Ethiopia’s conquest in 1936 and the forced dethroning of Ethiopia’s native
ruler, the Italian government consolidated Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia
into a single entity called Africa Orientale Italiana (Italian East Africa) and
oicially proclaimed Italy an empire, which it celebrated rhetorically as part
of Italy’s destiny to resurrect the ancient Roman Empire (Falasca-Zamponi
1997). In early 1939, prior to the commencement of the major hostilities of
World War II, Italy invaded Albania and substituted the country’s native
king with Italy’s own ruling monarchy to claim a “protectorate” over the
country. he entry of Britain into war and the Italian army’s defeat in Greece
in 1941 ended Mussolini’s dream of imperial expansion by way of retracing
the Mediterranean path of the Roman Empire. Albania, however, remained
occupied by Italy until the fall of the Fascist regime in 1943.
Eforts to recount the much neglected—and, according to many, much
repressed—history of Italian overseas expansion and colonialism, spurred
the publication of Italian-language monographs on the topic beginning
some four decades ago. 6 But the topic has only in recent years received
greater attention in English-language research (Ben-Ghiat and Fuller 2005;
Palumbo 2003b). However, the growing research on Italian colonialism has
almost exclusively focused on Italy’s colonial experience in Africa, ignoring
Italian expansion along the eastern Adriatic.7 Regretfully, this neglect in
the historical literature has largely reproduced the geographic and historical
division between colonial and noncolonial territory according to the oicial
designations of the Fascist regime, while also limiting our understanding of
the range of various social and political formations that constituted Italy’s
modern empire. For Italy’s Fascist government, all of its conquered territorial possessions were considered part of its “Imperial Community,” though
all parts carried diferent designations, juridical statuses, and were administered under diferent lines of authority. hus, while Italy’s African territories were oicially known as colonies, Albania, Italy’s largest “colonial” pos372 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire
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session in Europe, was ambiguously preserved as an autonomous entity
incorporated under a “personal union” with the Italian ruling monarchy.8
h is included an internal administrative diference as well: Italian East Africa fell under the jurisdiction of the Ministry for Colonies, while Albania’s
administration was handled by a special department within the Foreign
Ministry. Moreover, Albania’s administrative structure was largely preserved,
with the exception of the Albanian crown, which was assumed by Italy’s
House of Savoy, and with certain institutional modiications intended to mold
Albania into a Fascist state.9 Fascist oicials continually insisted that the
union between Italy and Albania represented a union between two sovereign
and self-ruling states. But while the shell of a sovereign state was preserved in
Albania, Rome, in addition to handpicking loyalists to lead the government,
set up a parallel civil-military administration that was under its own direction
and maintained a deep presence within all of Albania’s administrative bodies
(Agani 2002: 166–186; Fischer 1999). Rome also dissolved the Albanian army
and Albania’s Foreign Ministry and imposed a customs union.
In terms more speciic to colonial policy, the diference between Italy’s
African colonies and Albania was constituted primarily by the fact that the
“Italianization” of Africa was expected to occur mainly through a policy of
demographic colonization that maintained a racial diference with natives
(Labanca 2003). In Albania, however, mass cultural assimilation was also
seen as a viable policy direction. h at this latter goal was entertained with
all seriousness by the Italian government is made clear in the written records of Italy’s foreign minister Galeazzo Ciano, the strongest proponent of
Albania’s occupation, who indicated in 1937 the possibility of Italy’s demographic and cultural “absorption” of Albania, using as a point of reference
the descendants of Albanians in southern Italy who had migrated there
from Albania during the i teenth and sixteenth centuries:
I have persuaded the Duce to give 60 millions to Albania over the next
four years, for works of various kinds. My visit to Tirana convinced
me of the necessity for taking good care of this sector of the front. We
must create stable centers of Italian inluence there. Who knows what
the future may have in store? We must be ready to seize the opportunities which will present themselves. We are not going to withdraw this
time, as we did in 1920 [when Albanian insurgents forced the Italian
military out of the port city of Vlora]. In the south we have absorbed
several hundred thousand Albanians. Why shouldn’t the same thing
happen on the other side of the entrance to the Adriatic? (1953: 4)
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In the weeks prior to the military conquest of April 1939, Ciano argued that
up to two million Italians could be settled in Albania, whose existing population barely exceeded one million (Fischer 1999: 9–10).10 Moreover, colonization projects were attempted before Italy’s formal occupation. Beginning
in 1926, the Italian-controlled Ente Italiana agricolo Albania (eiaa) began a
project of settlement of Italians on agricultural lands in western Albania.
Although the initial numbers of colonists were small, by 1939 eiaa had settled some hundreds of Italians, mostly poor peasants, and planned greater
expansion (Miho 1976).11 Ater occupation, Rome also stepped up its ideological eforts directed at the Albanian population. Relecting the belief in
the possibility of mass acculturation, a high National Fascist Party (Partito
nazionale fascista [pnf]) oicial asserted the need for Albanians to become
“fascistized, Italianized and de-Balkanized” (quoted in Koka 1985: 65). Cultural assimilation, it seemed, would include as a i rst step political and ideological conversion, a belief shared both by Ciano and by leaders of the pnf.
hus, in addition to setting up an Italian civilian and military administration parallel to the existing government headed by locals, the pnf directed
eforts toward organizing an Albanian Fascist Party with local leaders in
order to build a mass following among Albanians.12 he pnf also extended
its system of Dopolavoros of ater-work socialization for workers and its Fascist youth organization to Albania. Fascist salutes and uniforms were also
introduced to bolster Albania’s new Fascist identity.
An American legal scholar of the period had termed Italy’s legal and
institutional treatment of Albania as one relecting the establishment of a
“vassal state” (Kempner 1941), but given the features of military occupation,
direct control over the political apparatus, economic penetration, and the
long-term intentions to colonize and Italianize the country, a colonial situation did indeed emerge, though one lacking the explicit racial features of
non-European colonies (Balandier 1966). Put in terms of a more formal analysis, the relationship that emerged between Italy and Albania ater 1939
matches, according to the comparative historical dei nition of colonialism
developed by Osterhammel, a situation in which “an entire society is robbed
of its historical line of development, externally manipulated and transformed
according to the needs and interests of colonial rulers” (1997: 15; emphasis in
original).13 While lacking the “rule of diference,” which dei ned European
colonies in Africa and Asia, the goal and practice of colonization distinguishes Albania from other Axis “vassal states” in eastern Europe, where
friendly governments were put into place but no goals of cultural assimilation were carried out or intended.14 More important, Italy was the only Axis
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state to extend its territorial control in both Africa and Europe, confronting
it with the unique challenge of reconciling classic forms of colonialism in
Africa with territorial expansion in Europe.
In this sense, it may be useful to speak of two distinct historical types
of Italian colonialism and their respective types of “colonial situations”: the
“classic” colonial situation of racial colonialism, where political and social
dominance was marked by the legal, social, and institutional division and
segregation of colonizer and colonized according to an oicially sanctioned
racial hierarchy, and paternalist-assimilationist colonialism, dei ned primarily by military and political domination of a colonizing state over a colonized
society, with the goal of remaking native culture to conform to the image of
its own. here is another level at which the latter type of colonialism difers
from the former. In Albania the Italians not only were able to take advantage of local intraelite conl icts to draw “collaborators” into political institutions and the bureaucratic apparatus but also used Fascist ideology to attract an intellectual following among part of Albania’s cultural elites, who
partook in the new regime and wrote favorably about Italy’s imperial project. h is, in efect, turned colonial subjects not only into mere servants of
empire but gave them an active symbolic stake in articulating the scope,
relevance, and virtues of empire (Pula 2008). h is feature may also be considered one of the distinguishing marks of what I am terming paternalistassimilationist colonialism, in that the form of colonial subjectivity is not
constituted by rigid and biologically dei ned boundaries of race but becomes one in which cultural diference is secondary to the proclaimed
sociopolitical universalism of the imperial project.15 Certainly, the fact that
a single imperial state engaged in two very distinct types of colonial projects
shows the movement between tension and complementarity of the ideological (Fascist) and cultural (nationally and culturally Italian) strands of discourse articulating the goals of Italy’s imperial expansion. Scholars of Italian colonialism, perhaps due to their exclusive focus on Africa, have usually
missed this tension within Fascist Italy’s imperial project, tending to see
Fascism mainly as a more militant version of Italian nationalism. However,
the experience of Albania shows how Fascism (the claimed ideological universal) and Italian cultural nationalism (a par ticu lar identity within a realm
of competing nations) served as very diferent kinds of justiications for Italy’s overseas expansion, while each aspect becomes more or less salient in
diferent colonial contexts. he comparative analysis in this chapter provides
one possible understanding of this divergence lying at the heart of Italy’s
imperial project.
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THE INTERNATIONAL IMPERIAL FIELD AND VARIATION IN FORMS OF
ITALIAN COLONIAL RULE
he geographic extent of Italy’s Fascist empire may partly account for the
variation in forms of rule Italians introduced in their African and European
colonies. he internal dynamics of colonial states were largely responsible
for the kinds of policies pursued by colonial administrators (Steinmetz 2007b,
2008a). Rather than mere administrative apparatuses carry ing out the will
of metropolitan elites, colonial states functioned as semiautonomous ields
that contained struggles between dominant factions largely centered
around proper insight into the culture of the colonized, with signiicant consequences for colonial policy.16 But colonial state formation is also characterized by par ticu lar administrative structures, and at this level Italian rule
in Italian East Africa and Albania difered in signiicant ways, providing
diferent opportunities and participatory possibilities for the colonized in
the colonial state and the project of empire more broadly.17 he administrative form of the colonial state determines the ontological sense in which the
colonized is treated as a juridical subject: as an object of colonial administration, or as subjects who are conceded a limited political and ideological
space, producing a certain civil society of the colonized.18 Put in other terms,
the diference lies in granting colonial subjects a subordinate citizenship
within empire (as in the case of Albania), as opposed to a complete exclusion from citizenship, an exclusion that is justiied and framed around racial
terms (as in Ethiopia).19
But why did the structures of respective colonial states difer to such a
radical degree? As discussed above, precolonial diferences in the internal
political orga nization of each state do not suiciently account for the path
pursued by Italian occupiers in both cases, as both Ethiopia and Albania
functioned as relatively centralized states in the period prior to Italian conquest. Yet proponents of Italian expansion believed that Italy enjoyed a
much freer hand in remaking Ethiopia politically and administratively than
it did Albania, where the administrative bodies of the preoccupation sovereign state were largely preserved. I suggest that one of the signiicant causes
of diference was not only internal to the Italian state but resulted from a
historically earlier division of the geography of imperialism, a structure of
causation that, at the global level of European colonial practice, had separated Africa from Europe’s periphery (and the Balkans in par ticu lar) as two
distinct contexts of European imperial practice. he historically constituted
cultural and political geography of imperial conquest and domination is
signiicant to the extent that it narrowed the ield of choices for practices of
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colonialism, especially since, at the time of Italy’s drive toward overseas expansion in the late 1930s, colonialism had long moved beyond being a “zone
of contact” with foreign cultures and had consolidated into a long-standing
ield of practice for powerful European states. Since its origins, the modern
interstate system has been characterized by a system of territorial acquisition and administration that was regulated on an ad hoc basis by an emerging body of international norms (Tilly 1990). hese rules conferred distinct
statuses on European and non-European territories and their relationship
with the rising system of sovereign states.
Since its establishment as a uniied nation-state in the mid-nineteenth
century, Italy had continuous strategic interests in both the Balkans and
Africa, having an active interest in the territorial reorganizations in the Balkans during the Ottoman Empire’s dissolution in the early twentieth century (including the possibility, proposed by a number of Italian political
leaders of the era, of annexing parts of the eastern Adriatic Coast), while
competing with other European states to expand its colonial possessions in
Africa. here were also difering structures of competition between imperial states in these two parts of the world, distinguishing the stakes involved.
In Africa, Italy was competing with the British and French empires for expanding control of resource-rich land and strategic ports, while competition
in the Balkans pitted it more directly, until their disintegration in 1919, with
the territorial empires of Austria-Hungary, Germany, Russia, and the Ottomans, as well as the expansionary states of the Balkans (in par ticu lar Serbia,
Greece, and Bulgaria). Ater its uniication in 1859, Italy quickly gained a
role in the so-called Congress system that succeeded the post-Napoleonic
Concert of Europe and was an active participant in the Congress of Berlin in
1878, which tackled the “Eastern Question,” as well as in the Conference of
Ambassadors in London in 1913, which recognized Istanbul’s loss of the vast
part of its European territories and also granted independence to Albania.
As an international system, turn-of-the-century imperialism was organized
around stakes, norms, and principles that difered signiicantly in distinct
geopolitical zones of imperial domination. In Africa, Italian domination
was exercised through conquest and direct rule, while in postindependence
Albania, Italian inluence until 1939 was pursued mainly through diplomatic
treaties and political pressures (Pastorelli 1967, 1970).
Italy’s division of spheres of imperial competition was relected not only
in its international behavior but also in the form of internal orga ni zation
of overseas rule within the Italian metropolitan state ater its conquests of
Ethiopia and Albania (e.g., the handling of colonial administration by diferent
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ministries, the diferent legal statuses accorded to conquered territories,
and the manner of their annexation), as well as the realm of practices within
the colonies. he global European practice of late imperialism, I argue, was
embedded within a historical geography of conquest, domination, and
global spatial (and thus social and cultural) regulation, and this normative
framework that sustained a world of colonial empires was relected in the
legal and institutional practices of Italy’s colonial rule.
Schmitt ([1950] 2003) uses the concept of nomos to refer to the practices
of global spatial organization that were historically sanctiied and expressed
in the evolving norms and structure of international law, based on a system
of mutual recognition by ruling sovereigns and regulating international political practices.20 Drawing from the historical origins of the jus publicum
Europaeum in the practices of land acquisition in the absolutist era, Schmitt
analyzes the historical rise of a Eurocentric world set around the European
interstate system and spatially divided between the territories of dominium,
that is, land legally held and ruled by mutually recognized sovereigns, and
the “free space” of non-European territories, as space open to European conquest. h is division is also relected in the legal character of interstate conl ict. In the tradition of jus publicum Europaeum, Europe was considered a
theatrum bellum (theater of war), in which the conduct of war and conquest
itself became a regulated afair, developing such instruments as diplomatic
negotiations, peace treaties, rules of warfare, and neutrality. War was “a relation among equally sovereign persons,” in which the enemy constituted one
who demanded defeat and subjection but not annihilation (Schmitt [1950]
2003: 142–143), constituting what Schmitt terms a rationalization and “bracketing” of war. he system therefore dei ned the stakes of inter-European
conl ict and regulated its conduct and established mechanisms to restore
balance to the international (European) order ater conl ict. But European
expansion beyond Europe required the development of new, distinct rules
that were applicable to extra-European space, where rulers were typically
not recognized as equal sovereigns (Young 1994). During the nineteenth
century, the resulting spatial division of the world led the jus publicum
Europaeum to recognize ive basic types of territories: (sovereign) state
territory, colonies, protectorates, “exotic countries with European extraterritoriality,” and free occupiable land (Schmitt [1950] 2003: 184). he disintegration of the jus publicum Europaeum, in Schmitt’s view, came ater 1885,
prompted partly by the crisis that ensued over the United States’ unprecedented decision to recognize the Congo Society as an independent state.
he recognition and entry of new sovereigns within the Eurocentric system,
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the rising power of the United States as a challenger to European hegemony
(as well as its par ticu lar hegemony in the Western Hemisphere), and the increasing division of the world into Großräume, or spheres of inluence particular to individual powerful states, led the Eurocentric order into crisis and
eventual disintegration.21 Beginning in 1919 with the Paris Peace Conference,
one that according to Schmitt could not be characterized as a “European conference in terms of its representatives and subjects, but only in terms of its
object and theme” ([1950] 2003: 240; emphasis in original), the way was
opened for a universalized international law, though one that would stand on
extremely shoddy grounds for much of the irst half of the twentieth century.
In retrospect, we can say that it is within this disintegrating world political order that Fascist Italy attempted to increase its stake in its claim of
being a colonial power on the global scale. However, what Schmitt sees as
the disintegration of the European system ater 1919 may instead represent a
protracted crisis; the underlying principles of the jus publicum Europaeum
had yet to be fully challenged and perhaps would not be until ater the establishment of the United Nations and decolonization, when a universal system of international law based on a globally dif use system of sovereign
states was established. In any event, in spite of the increasing number of new
states joining the international system ater 1919, as well as attempts to build
collective international security arrangements with institutions such as the
League of Nations, the basic terrestrial divisions of the jus publicum Europaeum had not been fully displaced. In fact, as data collected by Bergesen and
Schoenberg (1980) show, in the era between the two world wars, European
overseas control continued to expand. To claim thus that the European system disintegrated ater 1919, as Schmitt suggests, may be somewhat overstated, even if its old principles had been deeply challenged by the rising new
international order. In addition, the ledgling European system based on the
League of Nations was directly challenged beginning in the 1930s, when
Japan, Germany, and Italy engaged in a series of acts of aggression throughout
the world. However, these events remain curiously unexamined by Schmitt.22
From this perspective, one can argue that Italy’s approach to its African
and European territorial conquests (and its respective populations) may
partly be relective of the continuing hold of the old division between dominium and free territory, corresponding with (a claim not made by Schmitt)
an anthropological division of the world into civilized, semicivilized, and
uncivilized (Harvey 2001).23 hat such geograph ically based civilizational
rankings informed the hierarchy of peoples within Rome’s “Imperial Community” and their corresponding administrative structures is illustrated by
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the manner in which Fascist ideologues theorized the emerging imperial
political formation. hus, one Fascist theorist described the Imperial Community as “a new complex political organism, a corpus misticum consisting
of diverse parts.” he parts of the Imperial Community, however, exist within
a hierarchy: “i rst come Italy and Albania; second in importance, but not
equal to the Italo-Albanian union, are Libya and the Aegean possessions;
and i nally, in a diferent position, is Italian East Africa.” he ordering was
accounted by “diferences in geographic positions, races, and levels of civil
development of their various populations, diferences which correspond to their
respective juridical status within the Imperial Community” (Ambrosini 1940:
63; emphasis added).24 Prior political history was of no relevance to this geographic hierarchy of civilization, which furnished the basis of legal hierarchy
as well. It ignored the facts that Ethiopia had been an internationally recognized independent state, a member of the League of Nations, and self-ruling
for a much longer period than Albania. Situating Italy’s aggression on Ethiopia within Schmitt’s analysis of the crisis of the jus publicum Europaeum, the
mode in which Italian political elites justiied expansion in Ethiopia may be
indicative of the Italian state’s attempts to reopen the possibilities of new colonial conquests in Africa by reinforcing the orthodox spatial division between sovereign and nonsovereign space and thus nullify the attempts by the
League of Nations to establish a universal rights-based system of interstate
relations applying to all member states.25 In addition, Italy’s engagement in
what amounts to a colonial project in Europe may be relective of the contradictions faced by the Italian government itself, feeling the need to engage in
various legal, political, and diplomatic machinations so as to rid Albania of
its political autonomy while maintaining the shell of a nominally sovereign
state and claim Albania as an equal in the “Imperial Community.”
While by no means the main explanation, this is one way to start making
sense of the radical disjunctures in the administrative forms of Italian overseas rule. In the case of Italian colonialism, understanding the structure of
administrative and political institutions helps to contextualize the role of
racial and ethnographic discourses in determining the kinds of colonial
policies pursued in each colony, which is emphasized by postcolonial scholars (Bhabha 1994b; Said 1978; for a critical evaluation see Steinmetz 2007:
19–71). In the case of Italian colonialism, the problem is compounded by the
existence of two divergent forms of discourse informing interpretations of
native culture. For example, while there was renewed emphasis on the ethnographic study of Albanians ater Italy’s occupation, the representations of
natives in Ethiopia were quickly monopolized by the discourse of scientiic
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racism that gained prominence in Italy ater Ethiopia’s occupation. In the
late 1930s, Mussolini became more accepting of the racial ideology practiced in Nazi Germany, leading to eforts by the government to extend oicial recognition to scientiic racism and adopt its premise of biological races
as a matter of policy. h is included the publication of a governmentsponsored popu lar journal on questions of race, eforts by the regime to give
prominence to marginal racial scientists, and Mussolini’s personal interventions in the debate between Italian racial scientists on the “Aryan” or “Mediterranean” origins of Italians (Gillette 2002). In addition, the period 1938–
1940 saw the adoption of a series of racial laws applicable both within Italy
and its overseas colonies. In the mainland, these laws mainly targeted Italy’s
Jewish population, while special measures for Italian East Africa included
strict restrictions on misogyny and intensive eforts by the authorities to regulate sexual contact between Italian male colonizers and native women. But
while these eforts largely failed, it is notable that such policies were never put
into place in Albania (Jacomoni 1965: 170). Misogyny was never perceived as a
problem in Albania, even though some tens of thousands of Italians, mostly
men, resided in Albania. It is also not the case that particular actors held racist
attitudes more than others and that this afected policies such as urban planning: as I show below, the same architect who developed the layout plan for
Tirana had done extensive work in Ethiopia, where he strongly advocated racial segregation. Rather than attitudes on race, the structure of colonial administration and its institutions placed limits on the types of categorizations
that could be efectively put into use in colonial policy, including urban planning. h is includes the treatment of African territories and populations as the
proper space of racial colonialism, while an intense cultural and ideological
imperialism— even in combination with policies of colonization—
constituted a proper technique of rule for Europe’s periphery.26 he ambitions
of Italian colonial urban planners and architects came to represent this distinction in the types of urban layouts it sought and the architectural forms it
proposed and partly implemented in the two colonial contexts.
URBAN PLANNING IN TIRANA AND ADDIS ABABA: THE FASCISTIZED CAPITAL
AND THE “CITY OF EMPIRE”
he remainder of this chapter examines Italian colonial urban policy by
comparing urban planning in Tirana and Addis Ababa, both intended plans
as well as those carried out. Planners advocated a policy of “ethnic zoning”
in Ethiopia, intended to physically segregate urban areas and settlements
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between Italian colonists and natives; in Tirana, Italian planners continued
the project of building a city that was intended to stand as a symbol of Fascist modernity, even while bearing symbols of Albanian national identity.
In Ethiopia, urban planners and architects advocated racial divisions even
before the rise of scientiic racism into oicial dogma, while in Albania, architectural form came to be inspired by more romantic ethnographic representations of Albanian ethnic identity. hus, the growing inluence of scientiic racism did not displace earlier ethnographic frames that cast Italians
and Albanians as sharing “ancient ties” dating from the Roman era. he fact
that racial discourse did not apply to Albanians as forcefully as to Italy’s African colonial subjects meant that older ethnographic representations served
as the basis on which the Italian colonial state could veer ambiguously between a paternalistic project of political domination and a project of cultural assimilation. Within Italy’s political ield, these two poles were represented by the foreign minister, Ciano, who saw Albania in geostrategic terms
and advocated assimilation, and Italy’s highest oicial in Albania, Francesco Jacomoni, who advocated a paternalistic role for Italians as protectors
of Albanian cultural identity.27 In this context, architectural form shited
toward Jacomoni’s position in seeking to imitate native forms, most prominently in the case of the design for the Casa di Fascio.
Italian architects commenced work in both Ethiopia and Albania very
soon ater Italy’s takeover, and construction also followed soon ater plans
were set. he urban structures and layouts envisioned for both Addis Ababa
and Tirana in terms of city form are strikingly similar. Both were modeled
according to the rationalism and monumentalism of the City Beautiful
movement of the 1920s and 1930s (Hall 2001), with an imposing central district and boulevards that radiate outward toward the periphery. However,
while the design of the overall city layout was similar, Addis Ababa’s plan
included a detailed designation of city spaces intended for Italians and others for natives. he initiative to plan newly conquered colonial cities in Africa in accordance with racial principles had issued directly from a group of
inluential Italian architects and planners and predated the oicial rise of
scientiic racism. Ater the completion of Ethiopia’s conquest in 1936, colonial urbanism came to occupy center stage in many of the debates among
Italian planners.28 he dominant view among planners was the need to develop a general plan for the entire empire, which would include the planning
of old and new settlements in newly conquered lands, and the establishment
by the state of an Oice of Colonial Urbanism (Uicio urbanistico coloniale), stafed by planners to manage its implementation. While debating
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the type of urban and architectural forms to be adopted, the extent of development, and whether it would be based on the preservation of existing
structures or the complete transformation of urban environments, and in
choosing between modernist, neoclassical, or experimental architectural
forms inspired by “traditional” native architecture, planners coalesced
around the notion that Italian colonial architecture must be characterized
by a monumentalism that followed in the footsteps of the great works of the
Romans, whose empire oicial Fascist discourse claimed to be reconstituting in modern guise. In addition, planners maintained a strong position regarding the undesirability of African culture as serving as a guide or inspiration for urban and architectural design. Being a territory inhabited by a
“fully primitive” population, according to architect Luigi Piccinato writing
in 1931 (quoted in Boralevi 1986: 245), and given the stated need to sharply
distinguish Italian civilization from that of the colonized, Italian planners
moved toward the position of an Italian “civilizing mission” that intended to
mobilize planning as a tool to exhibit the superiority of Italian culture (Fuller
1988) but also to help accomplish the project of colonization by setting up
the necessary infrastructure for massive Italian settlement, which was projected to follow the conquest. Treading this general path, the First National
Congress of Urbanism, held in 1937 in Rome, issued a concluding statement
that strongly advised that Italian colonial planning take as one of its key guiding principles the “clear separation of Italian and indigenous quarters”
(quoted in Boralevi 1986: 247). As Boralevi notes, the principle of ethnic
zoning was embraced quite quickly by Italian planners as it became constitutive of the urban layout plan for Addis Ababa, produced a short ive months
ater the conquest of the country. According to the general scheme for the
city issued by the colonial government’s planners in 1937, Addis Ababa
would consist of four districts: a political district, a commercial district, and
two separate residential districts, one reserved for Ethiopians, the other for
Italians, further subdivided into residential quarters for colonial administrators and another for workers. he racial division of the city was maintained in subsequent updates of the plan, even as construction of new city
areas by Italian i rms was taking place and as Addis Ababa was designated
the capital of Italy’s African empire (Boralevi 1986). While notions of racial
segregation predated the regime’s acceptance of scientiic racism as an oicial doctrine, the concept of “ethnic zoning” was made legitimate and given
scientiic credence by the doctrines of scientiic racism. “Ethnic zoning,” as
carried out by Italian planners in Ethiopia, thus applied only to the division
between Italian colonists and native Ethiopians and did not include further
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subdivisions between the many ethnic and linguistic groups that inhabited
Addis Ababa. In fact, Italian colonial governments did not make signiicant
attempts to establish formal divisions between Ethiopia’s various ethnic
groups, underlining the primacy of racial division in Italian policy and the
strong impact of racial discourse on shaping Italian colonial policy in Africa
(Barrera 2003).
In actuality, policing the racial boundaries envisioned by Italian urban
planners and colonial administrators was much more problematic. Among
the phenomena that irked Italy’s colonial administrators and unsettled
their plans of maintaining racial boundaries was the growing practice of
miscegenation. Both popu lar colonial fantasies of sexual domination of
exoticized native women that were depicted in Italian imagery of the African colonial world as well as the fact that a disproportionate share of settlers in Africa were male contributed to the growing practice of miscegenation and interracial marriage (madamismo), leading Rome to adopt a series
of measures banning interracial relationships and denying citizenship to
of spring (Barrera 2005; Pickering-Iazzi 2003). At the same time, Italian
economic policy in Ethiopia, which was tied to its policy of massive settlement of Italian workers and peasants, was failing spectacularly, proving
unable to maintain a steady Italian presence in the colony and unable to
fuli ll Rome’s ambitious plans of turning Ethiopia into an econom ical ly
proitable enterprise (Larebo 1994; Pankhurst 2001). In Addis Ababa, the
grandiose plans of Italian planners of transforming the city into an imperial capital came only to partial realization, with Italian residential quarters only partially completed and the failing colonial economy casting
many Italian colonists into conditions of poverty, in some cases even worse
than those of natives. While harboring grandiose plans of resurrecting a
Roman Empire in the Mediterranean, which would leave its lasting imprint
through imposing architectural works, Rome’s colonial policy proved to be
little more than a short-lived, brutal, militaristic adventure, with many of
its designs for Addis Ababa and other colonial settlements remaining little
more than blueprints.
he debates on colonial urbanism among planners and architects in the
late 1930s did not include Albania, an exclusion that continued in the period
ater conquest, showing how even among architects Albania registered as a
universe very much apart from the “primitive” and racially divided world
of African colonialism. Racial discourse was never capable of furnishing a
basis for Italian elites in their policy decisions on Albania, and thus urban
planning in Albania became less concerned with the spatial ordering of so384 · Historical Studies of Colonialism & Empire
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cial groups and took on a more explicitly ideological function. Far from
being intended as a manifestation of racial superiority, urban planning in
Tirana sought to monumentalize the alleged achievements of Fascism and
the Fascist Imperial Community, while paying tribute to local culture and
national identity. One of the reasons for this distinct emphasis may be that
Italian planners and architects had been involved in Tirana’s construction
since the late 1920s, when Italian political and economic inluence i rst
began its exertion in Albania. Hence, even before the Italian military disembarked on the Albanian shore in April 1939, the layout for Tirana had already been heavily shaped by Italian planners. Tirana had become the oicial capital of the newly independent Albanian state only in 1924. At the
time, with a population of about 30,000, it was only one among a number of
the country’s urban centers dispersed throughout the country, while the
port of Durrës served as an administrative center in the period immediately
ater independence (Duka 1997). With the establishment of the regime of
Ahmet Zogu in 1924, among the policies the government pursued was the
development of Tirana, in order to fashion the city more like a large European national capital. Most of the construction of the Albanian capital’s
main square and central boulevard during the 1920s and 1930s was paid for
by Italian loans. As a result, Italian architects, construction i rms, and workers performed much of the work, while Italian architects designed the city’s
master plan. By 1939, a signiicant portion of Tirana’s new central district
was already completed, including Skënderbeg Square (named in commemoration of the medieval Albanian notable who resisted the Ottomans), and
two portions of the central boulevard, one part of which was aptly named
ater Mussolini. he central square and boulevard contrasted strongly with
the rest of the small and narrow structures of the former Ottoman town, to
the point where it prompted one European observer to sarcastically note,
ater a visit in Tirana, that he saw “a boulevard without a city” (quoted in
Aliaj, Lulo, and Myt iu 2003: 38). However, while the original master plan,
drawn up by Italian architect Armando Brasini in 1925, proposed the development of an imposing (and, in the original plan, walled) “Roman island” at
the center of the old Ottoman town, very much like Italian planners had
done in separating the “old” and “new” city in Tripoli, the new plan of 1939
contemplated no such division and instead proposed an integrated city with
a center that would feature a combination of neoclassical, modernist,
“Fascist-style” architecture and native (pre-Ottoman) forms (Gresleri 1993).
In addition to the revised master plan for the city, the establishment of
the Luogotenenza, representing the Italian civil-military component of
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fig 13.1 · he Casa di Fascio, now housing the Polytechnic University of
Tirana, and its square on the end of Tirana’s main boulevard, completed in
1942 (photo by author).
Albania’s governing structure, led to a series of new regulations for urban
design being put into place. Among others, the local government of Tirana
established an agency charged with approving the architectural plan of
every new private construction, down to the smallest corner kiosk. As Jacomoni (1965) notes in his memoirs, the inlux of Italian capital led to a construction boom, and according to his (likely exaggerated) count, for the
short period of Italian rule, Tirana saw the construction of seven hundred
new private residential and commercial units. In any event, within a few
years ater Albania’s occupation, Tirana grew by about thirty-ive thousand
inhabitants, while its territory nearly doubled (Aliaj, Lulo, and Myt iu 2003:
45). In addition, according to one estimate, by 1943 some thirty thousand of
Tirana’s residents were Italian. 29 Facts such as these led Aliaj, Lulo, and
Myt iu to characterize the years of Italian occupation as one of the periods
of Tirana’s fastest growth.
Among the key architects to participate in the planning of the city layout was Gherardo Bosio, a renowned Florentine architect who had volunteered to ight in Ethiopia and remained there ater the occupation to
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produce a number of urban plans for the empire. Bosio wrote extensively
on colonial urban planning and had developed the plans for the Ethiopian
towns of Gondar, Dessié, and Gimma. In his work on Africa, Bosio advocated strict divisions between native and Italian zones, including not only
areas of residence but also separate commercial districts and even traic
patterns so as to ensure that contact between the two groups within the
city remain limited to the most necessary interactions (Boralevi 1986;
Fuller 1988). However, the principle of clear ethnic demarcation of city
zones was not suggested in Bosio’s plan for Tirana, even if Italian planners
had full control over the direction of city planning and the Luogotenenza
controlled the funds that would i nance the ensuing construction of public buildings. Moreover, Bosio was commissioned to design the new political and cultural complex to stand at the apex of Tirana’s central boulevard,
which had been renamed Viale Impero. he complex, which would include a stadium, a theater, and various administrative oices, included the
Casa di Fascio, a distinct structure that would stand in contrast to the robust rationalist design of the other buildings within the complex because
it would be intended to architecturally represent Albanian national identity. Bosio based the design of the building on the image of the kulla, the
tower-like structure found in the Albanian highlands, whose population
was romanticized for their archaic way of life by ethnographers such as
Baldacci. he appropriation of the kulla was intended not merely to adorn
a modern building but as an enlarged replica strategically situated within
the center of the city to shape the city’s identity, as well as represent Fascism’s promise of rapid modernization. 30 he efort, moreover, to modernize architectural forms that predated Ottoman conquest (and the city’s
own Ottoman heritage) from a speciic ethnographic repertoire of “Albanian traditionalism” meant that city design served as a tool to continue
the Albanian nationalist project of constructing an Albanian national
identity, even if such construction was being carried out by an agent of
empire. he design also played into the oicial discourse of regeneration
of ancient civilization by way of modern empire, including a return to the
supposed “ancient ties” between the Romans and the ancestors of the Albanians, a view that had been propounded by Albanophile scholars such
as Baldacci, Bernardy, and Mustilli. 31 he discourse of ancient ties also cohered with a number of Albanian supporters of the Italian Fascist empire,
who echoed this view and frequently referred to Italians as “big brothers”
and Mussolini as Albania’s savior (Pula 2008). he construction of the
Casa di Fascio symbolized Fascism’s seemingly mystical creative powers
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fig 13.2 · Picture of Iballja clansmen in the region of Puka in the
northern Albanian highlands, taken by Austrian scholar Baron Franz Nopsca
in 1905. he building in the background is an example of a stone-built
kulla dwelling, which Bosio imitated in his design for the Casa di
Fascio (photo courtesy of Robert Elsie).
to regenerate and renew, transplanting the primordiality of “Albanianness” represented by the traditional domicile of Albania’s highlands into
modern form and made by the Casa into a “home” for Fascism’s claimed
status as a universal force. he Casa thus complemented the ideology of
Fascist empire and Albania’s existence as a national community within
the fold of Rome while also functioning as a symbol of Albania’s modernizing aspirations, which Rome claimed to be in the process of realizing. It
could be therefore said that Tirana’s city design relected the way in which
Italy’s empire projected itself into Albania: a historical endeavor intended
to expand imperial control by aggrandizing native culture and manipulating nationalist sentiment, all the while opening the space for Fascistization and “Italianization” and creating a relationship of subordination to the
greater power of Rome. It is unclear from the existing historical record
whether Bosio knowingly tuned his project to the political machinations
devised by Ciano and Mussolini, or whether he acted out of dedication to
his profession and his intellectual interest in foreign culture. However,
given Bosio’s reputation and dedication to his profession as an architect,
it seems that the latter is more likely the case (Cresti 1996).
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CONCLUSION
he signiicant consistency between Italian urban planning and the overall
institutional and ideological framework of Italian colonialism in Italian
East Africa and Albania contexts points to the fact that urban planning cohered deeply with the principles of organization of the entire range of institutions of colonial domination. At the institutional level, the diferential
treatment of the two territories and their respective populations stemmed
partly from earlier European practices of imperial domination and the persisting view among Italy’s Fascist elites of the racial inferiority of Africans,
bolstered by the rise of scientiic racism as an oicial doctrine of the Fascist
state. On the one hand, the legacy of Italian imperial involvement in Albania pushed the Italian government toward the “protectorate” policy and in
granting Albania a relatively privileged position within Italy’s Imperial
Community. Italy’s position in Albania was embedded in the system of European territorial acquisition and rule, governed by the nomos of European
international legal practice, which had historically privileged Europe as a
zone of sovereign state territory and distinguished it from Africa as a zone of
free territory open to conquest. Consequently, Italy’s Fascist rulers faced
few inhibitions in dissolving the state of Ethiopia and creating a new administrative region to be attached to Italy’s overseas empire, while devising institutional forms intended to ensure Rome’s control and at the same time
preserving the semblance of an autonomous state in Albania.
Even while entertaining the goal of demographic colonization of conquered lands with the massive settlement of Italian workers and peasants,
Italian urban planning in newly conquered territories nonetheless proceeded on separate tracks. In relation to Ethiopia, Italian architects and
planners followed the existing tradition of European colonial urbanism by
advocating strict segregation and designed urban layouts based on principles of racial division. Seeking to drastically transform the structure of the
city, Italian plans for Addis Ababa included massive redevelopment and division of the city into Italian and native zones, relecting Ethiopians’ exclusion from citizenship. In Albania, the symbolic function of the city was
lodged within the framework of Fascism and its universalizing aspirations,
with Fascism representing an alternative road to modernity for poorer
countries such as Albania. In addition, the weakness of scientiic racism and
its crass categorical divisions between groups meant that more perspicacious forms of ethnographic representation gained a much more prominent
role, including such theses as that of ancient ties between Romans and the
ancestors of the Albanians and the regeneration by architecture in the Casa
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di Fascio of what was seen as an archaic, pre-Ottoman substratum of Albanian culture, inspired by the ethnographic work of Albanophile scholars
such as Baldacci. h rough such cultural works, Italian domination in Albania claimed to be doing the work of Albanian nationalism, all the while politically and econom ical ly subjugating the country and even vaguely entertaining the possibility of mass cultural assimilation.
As other scholars have noted, Italian colonial urbanism was tightly bound
to Italy’s project of empire, while urban planners enthusiastically embraced
Italy’s conquest of Ethiopia and the formation of Italian empire. Yet colonial
urbanists and architects adjusted urban plans and architectural form in accordance largely with the political and ideological principles that governed
each colony. In Ethiopia, urban planning set out to assist the construction of a
racially segregated society, while in Albania, urban planning was seen as a tool
of modernization and an ideological tool of Fascist empire.
Yet it is important not to reductively treat the works of Italian urban
planners as mere instruments of Italian imperial politics. Just as the practice
of urban planning itself was deeply enmeshed within the colonial enterprise,
Italian urban planners and architects saw in colonial empire the opportunity
to demonstrate the social utility and transformative capabilities of their trade.
Italian urban planners and architects also saw in colonial empire the opportunity to compete with other European planners and showcase the achievements of Fascist modernity and architecture (Fuller 2007). As Wright (1991)
shows, colonial urban layouts and architecture are a consequence of the imperialism of the planning profession just as much as of the political imperialism
of states. hat planners saw in empire the opportunity of realizing the virtues
of their own work is illustrated by Hall’s (2001: 198) quote of a letter by British
architect Herbert Baker to Edwin Lutyens, on the occasion of their selection
by the British India Oice to design New Delhi: “It is really a great event in the
history of the world and of architecture—that rulers should have the strength
and sense to do the right thing. It would only be possible now under a
despotism—some day perhaps democracies will follow. . . . It must not be Indian, nor English, nor Roman, but it must be Imperial. In 2000 years there
must be an Imperial Lutyens tradition in Indian architecture. . . . Hurrah for
despotism!” Such sentiment was shared by Italian architects, who enthusiastically rallied behind empire and sought a role in its project of subjugation. And
yet, it is only by situating architectural and urban planning within the divergent structures and ideological goals of diferent types of colonial states and
their geohistorical sites that we understand how the speciic hubris of the
planning profession came to it into the overall project of empire.
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NOTES
1. he return of the obelisk is no doubt not the only question of colonial restitution. Ater decades of refusal, in 1995 the Italian government formally admitted
that the Italian military had used ammunitions laden with poisonous gas in the
Ethiopian war. On the postcolonial signiicance of the obelisk, see Pickering-Iazzi
(2003). See Del Boca (1992, 2003) on the politics of remembrance and suppression
of colonialism and empire in Italy.
2. See Doumanis (1997) for an exemplary study on the politics of memory of Fascist empire among its formerly colonized subjects. Like the Greek Dodecanesian
islands studied by Doumanis, Albania was spared the large-scale violence that the
Italian military inl icted in Africa and beneited from Italian focus on infrastructural development. hese have contributed to the historically skewed image of Italians as “good” colonizers, shared in the collective memory of Italians and their
former Eu ropean colonial subjects.
3. he architect Ferdinando Reggiori stated in 1936: “Every people that must
export its own civilization, or better yet, ‘colonize,’ cannot achieve this without
imposing through its laws its own buildings” (quoted in Boralevi 1986: 242).
4. In par tic u lar, Smith, a world-systems theorist, chastised King for attempting
an “interdisciplinary synthesis that would weave together recent threads of urban
planning and architecture, ‘the new urban sociology,’ and global political economy
(with a few strands of postmodern embroidery)” (D. Smith 1991: 554).
5. On this par tic u lar point, including how medieval buildings were torn down in
order to expose older Roman-era ruins that lay under or nearby, see FalascaZamponi (1997). Falasca-Zamponi discusses the links between this practice and the
Fascist regime’s growing emphasis, particularly ater the 1935 Ethiopian campaign,
on the myth of the resurrection of the Roman Empire and the government’s oicial
proclamation of Italy as an empire. On the role of Roman tropes and ruins in Fascist and Nazi politics, see Hell (2010).
6. Most important of these is the pioneering work of Del Boca (1969). On the
general neglect of historians to examine the history of Italian colonialism, see Triulzi (1982). For a more recent statement, see Palumbo (2003a) and Labanca (2003).
7. Among the few studies of Italy’s non-African colonialism is Doumanis (1997).
8. Fischer (1999) shows how Italian postoccupation policy was to a certain extent
intentionally ambiguous as to Albania’s legal status. Fearing a diplomatic backlash,
Italian policy was intentionally designed to preserve the shell of an independent state
while ensuring efective Italian control internally. As for the use of the term “colonial,” some historians (including Fischer and most Albanian historians) have used
the term to characterize the period of Italian rule in Albania. However, the term is
used in a loose sense without drawing out the implications of what such a designation
means for the historical practice of modern colonialism more generally.
9. Among the changes included was the renaming of Albania’s parliament as the
Superior Fascist Corporative Council (to which were added fourteen Italians as
deputies) and the establishment of the Central Council of the Corporative Economy to direct economic policy.
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10. h roughout the 1920s and 1930s, having become the chief i nancial backers of
the Zog monarchy in Albania, Italian interests had already penetrated Albania
deeply. Rome had helped establish and controlled a majority stake in the Bank of
Albania and had set up the Societa per lo sviluppo economico di Albania to administer the use of Italian grants and loans in Albania, which efectively put Albania’s
economic policy under Rome’s control. On Rome’s economic policies in Albania in
the period before occupation, see Fishta (1979, 1989, 1999).
11. he basic idea behind the policy of demographic colonization was to divert
the low of Italian immigration and transform potential immigrants into a population of overseas colonists directed by the state. See Larebo (2005) for a summary of
the features and the eventual failure of the policy.
12. h is is another distinguishing feature of Italian rule in Albania. In Slovenia,
for instance, to which Italian troops were deployed in 1941, the Italians did not attempt to establish a separate Fascist political orga nization but supported a local
pro-Fascist group, the Domobranci (Defenders of the Homeland).
13. Albania’s case does not fully adhere to Osterhammel’s second part of his formal dei nition of colonialism, which includes the unwillingness of foreign rulers to
make cultural compromises with the natives and to preclude assimilation (2005:
15–17). However, the fact that Italian rule in Albania included the possibility of the
acculturation of natives may make the colonial relationship no less abominable and
may even make it more insidious. In any event, the other signiicant fact is that the
Italian government did see Albania as a settlement colony and had tens of thousands
of Italians settled there, and not only as an extraneously ruled territory (such as
British India) or a friendly political satellite (such as were East Eu ropean Axis allies
Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria to Nazi Germany).
14. An exception to this may be German-occupied Poland (see Furber 2003).
15. h is is a distinguishing feature of Fascism, as it sought to dismantle the traditional liberal gap between public and private, politicizing, from the top down, every
facet of individual life and thus legitimizing the state’s supervision and intervention in
all of them. It is in this sense that Fascism was not only a political ideology per se, that
is, one that concerned itself only with the particular form of political and economic
institutions, but an ideology that subsumed the entire moral character and being of the
individual. It is in this context that Mussolini and other Fascist ideologues claimed
Fascism to be a totalitarian system (Ben-Ghiat 2001; Berezin 1997; Gentile 1996).
16. Steinmetz develops the concept of the colonial state ield starting from Bourdieu’s ield theory (Bourdieu 1984, 1996a, 1999).
17. See Robinson (1972) on the role of native “collaboration” in making colonialism possible.
18. Chatterjee (1993) illustrates such a relation between colonizer and colonized
in British-ruled India. For example, early Indian nationalists had no qualms about
India’s subjection to Britain’s empire but rather criticized the failed policies of modernization carried out by the British. It was in a later phase that Indian nationalists
turned toward a wholesale rejection of British rule but only ater nationalism had
succeeded in creating an autonomous cultural space. In Albania, the embrace of
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modern empire by a faction of Albanian nationalists occurred ater the country’s
independence from the Ottoman Empire; however, a relatively autonomous cultural space persisted and was even encouraged by the Italians, even if ideologically
policed (Pula 2008).
19. h is indeed was the case legally as well. With Albania, Rome enacted a policy of
dual citizenship and one of free travel, which permitted Albanians and Italians to
travel and settle freely throughout both countries (in reality, very few Albanians
moved to Italy). Upon the dissolution of Albania’s Foreign Ministry, the Italian government issued an order permitting Albanian citizens to seek counsel at Italian embassies: “With express orders by the Duce, no discrimination can be exercised against
Albanians who seek help from [our embassies], and enjoy the same rights and duties
as Italians, based on the principle of full equality” (quoted in Jacomoni 1965: 161). In
Ethiopia, in contrast, Ethiopians were denied the privileges of Italian citizenship.
20. In Schmitt’s discussion of nomos, a concept he develops against the approach to law found in legal positivism, nomos represents the normative and
spatial principles of a system of ordering, the original act of an ordo ordinans
(“order of ordering”). Nomos is not law itself but rather the set of principles out of
which legal order is generated and legitimated as such. “In its original sense,”
Schmitt writes, “nomos is precisely the full immediacy of a legal power not mediated by laws; it is a constitutive historical event—an act of legitimacy, whereby
the legality of a mere law i rst is made meaningful” ([1950] 2003: 73; emphasis in
original). More speciically, “all subsequent regulations of a written or unwritten
kind derive their power from the inner mea sure of an original, constitutive act of
spatial ordering. h is original act is nomos. All subsequent developments are either results of and expansions on this act or else redistributions (anadasmoi)—
either a continuation on the same basis or a disintegration of and a departure
from the constitutive act of the spatial order established by [acts such as] landappropriation, the founding of cities, or colonization” (Schmitt [1950] 2003: 78).
Clearly, this is a philosophically realist position that sees par tic u lar classes of
action as explainable by reference to a par tic u lar (or par tic u lar set of) historically constituted generative principle(s), rather than a set of empirically independent and unrelated acts.
21. For example, Schmitt notes the increasing distinction made by legal scholars
toward the end of the nineteenth century between Eu ropean and American international law. he growth in the sheer number of independent sovereign states also
created turmoil in the system. hus, Schmitt notes how Eu ropean jurists failed to
notice that the recognition of new states constituted not the universalization of the
Eu ropean system of international law but its collapse as a Eu ropean system per se.
Schmitt expresses this in a powerful statement:
Jurists believed that Eu rope was being complimented by the reception of nonEuropeans, and did not notice that, in fact, they were loosening all the foundations of a reception, because the former—good or bad, but in any case conceived of as a concrete order, above all as a spatial order, by a true community
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of Eu ropean princely houses, states, and nations—had disappeared. What appeared in its place was no “system” of states, but a collection of states randomly
joined together by factual relations—a disorga nized mass of more than 50
heterogeneous states, lacking any spatial or spiritual consciousness of what
they once had in common, a chaos of reputedly equal and equally sovereign
states and their dispersed possessions, in which a common bracketing of war
no longer was feasible, and for which not even the concept of “civilization”
could provide any concrete homogeneity. (2003: 233–234)
22. he only exception in Schmitt’s (2003) book is Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia;
see subsequent discussion in text. On Schmitt’s more explicit writings on Nazi imperialism and the reasons for his avoidance of direct discussion in his 2003 book,
see Hell (2009).
23. Harvey discusses Kant’s Geography, which ranked the world’s populations
according to a racial scheme. Noting how Kant’s geographic knowledge contradicts
his better-known writings on universal ethics and cosmopolitanism, Harvey quotes
Kant suggesting that “humanity achieves its greatest perfection with the white
race. he yellow Indians have somewhat less talent. he negroes are much inferior
and some of the peoples of the Americas are well below them” (quoted in Harvey
2001: 210–211). In the case of Albania and the Balkans, Wolf (1994) and Todorova
(1997) show how, beginning with Enlightenment thinkers, Eu rope’s eastern and
southeastern periphery was consistently seen as an ambiguous intermediate zone
between the civilization of the West and the barbarism of the East.
24. Ambrosini further states that “it is only the population of Italian East Africa
who are in a state of subjugation, but such that does not exclude the possession of
religious and civil rights to participate in local administration and the Empire’s economic development.” Subjugation was not appropriate for Libya and the Aegean islands “due to each region’s respectively advanced stage of civilization,” but those
populations nonetheless required a treatment that brought all of the kingdom’s populations “to the same level.” h is type of sociopolitical organization, though new in
Ambrosini’s view, nevertheless “conformed to the Roman tradition” (1940: 63).
25. Schmitt recognizes the failure of the jus publicum Europaeum to be replaced by a
new nomos, chiely by the failure of states to “bracket” war. Schmitt discusses this
failure using the League of Nations’ inability to preserve the rights of Ethiopia, a member state, ater Italy’s aggression, when the League eventually legitimized the complete
annihilation of the state’s political identity and recognized its annexation by Italy and
transformation into Italian East Africa. Conversely, Mussolini justiied Italian expansion on the basis of being “denied” its “right” to “a place in the sun” like other colonial
empires (Mack Smith 1976). Such rhetoric ghastly contradicted the League’s goal of
establishing a rights-based collective body of international governance but also demonstrated the internal contradiction between such a system and the fact that a number
of European states continued to maintain the status of colonial empires.
26. On the distinction between colonialism and imperialism, see Osterhammel
(2005) and chapter 1 of the present volume.
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27. It is signiicant in this sense how views of Albania within the Italian metropolitan and colonial administration difered. Most telling is how Jacomoni takes
issue with Italy’s foreign minister Ciano for writing, in his personal diary, that the
assumption of Albania’s crown by the House of Savoy meant the end of Albania’s
independence. Jacomoni instead argues that the “union” between Italy and Albania
represented a relationship of equals (1965: 153–168). Ciano, conversely, was concerned with maintaining the appearance of an independent state, while ensuring
that the Italian government had a free hand in exercising control within the country, including picking the leadership (Fischer 1999: 5–58).
28. hese debates are reported at length in Boralevi (1986) and Fuller (1988).
29. No dei nitive numbers on Italian settlement in Albania exist. Fischer (1999)
states that upon the collapse of the Fascist regime in 1943, 30,000 Italians lived in
Tirana alone. Statistics cited by Misha (1970) indicate that in the period 1940–1941,
over 51,000 Italian laborers came to Albania and 44,250 let , while between 1942
and 1943 the number of Italian workers luctuated anywhere between 7,000 and
13,000, based on the reports used. In the period 1939–1940, oicial igures cited by
Misha suggest that approximately 190,000 individuals entered and 150,000 departed Albania through its main port, Durrës.
30. Italian architects had done similar work of adapting native forms to modern
architecture in Africa as well, particularly Libya, but nowhere, according to my research, did they place symbols of national culture so centrally within a city.
31. In his magisterial and inluential volume L’Albania, the anthropologist Baldacci
(1929) purported to provide a thorough ethnological study of Albanians, in which he
prominently emphasized the ancient Illyrian origins of Albanians and the “ancient
ties” existing between Illyrians and Romans. His descriptions particularly focused
on the Albanian highlands, from whence Bosio apparently received his inspiration
for the kulla replica. In any case, the stress on ancient ties between Rome and the
Albanians found its way into other publications as well, while racial categories were
much less prominent in discussions. Ancient Rome’s role in Albania became an explicit topic for the archaeologist Mustilli (1940). Studies by folklorists such as Bernardy (1941) and the publications of the Istituto nazionale di cultura fascista on Albania contained almost no references to racial categories (Ambrosini 1940; Morandi
1942). Ambrosini’s historical account situates Albania’s membership in the Italian
Empire entirely within the historical context of what he describes as continuing historical ties between the two sides of the Adriatic and scantly and only supericially
refers to race. he publications of the Centro studi per l’Albania established within
the Italian Academy of Sciences were also entirely stafed by ethnologists and linguists with few ai nities to the epistemic categories promoted by Italian racial scientists such as Guido Landra, Marcello Ricci, and Lino Businco, who paid little attention to Albania but extensively disseminated racist conceptions of Africa through
Rome’s Racial Oice and its journal, La difesa della razza (Pankhurst 2005). he inluence of scientiic racism on other academic disciplines was also curbed by the
unsettled nature of the ield, its political instrumentalization by Mussolini, and its
inability to become organized around a racial orthodoxy (Gillette 2002).
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Conclusion
Understanding Empire
raewyn connell
EMPIRE AND SOCIOLOGY
he creation, crisis, and transformation of global empires is one of the basic
facts of human social experience in recent time. What was truly the i rst
world war stretched for about four hundred years, and by the end of it the
armies of Europe and North America had conquered, or brought under indirect control, almost the whole population of the earth. New ways of living, once unimaginable, are still being generated by global social forces
operating on the terrain created by the old empires.
It is logical that sociology, conceived a century and a half ago as the general science of society, should be concerned with empire. hat has not always been recognized: the stories told to students about the discipline’s
history oten read as if the sociolog ical imagination were walled up in Europe and North America. he impressive array of studies in this book provides a dei nitive proof that sociology has not been so narrow-minded.
he narratives in Part 1, tracing the development of the discipline in
each of ive imperial powers—Russia, France, Italy, Germany, and the
United States—show signiicantly diferent pathways. But in every case, we
can see sociologists involved, from the earliest days of the discipline, with issues about colonization, imperial power, hierarchies of race, “primitive” societies and their contrast with the “advanced,” social progress/development,
and a host of related questions.
he discipline has, as Steinmetz nicely puts it, many “entanglements”
with empire. Indeed there are so many that this must be regarded as one of
the formative issues in the making of sociology.
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One consequence is the making of sociolog ical theories about empire—
explanations of imperialism, classiications of empires, accounts of the dynamics of par tic u lar empires. he studies in Part 2 are examples of that kind
of sociolog ical reasoning, showing particularly how it can illuminate the
contemporary world and the contending strategies of the United States and
China.
he case studies in Part 3 provide empirical rei nements of the sociology
of empires. Here we examine the diferent trajectories of par ticu lar colonies
within the one empire, or the contrasts between empires, or sometimes their
convergences. In these studies, sociology wrestles with the complexities of
countervailing power, the ambiguous role of colonized elites, the dilemmas
of imperial managers, the character of the colonial state, and the changing
structure of colonial society.
All this adds up to a large, and newly vigorous, branch of sociology. Yet
the connection between sociology and empire does not end with the sociology of empire. here is also, if I can put it this way, empire in sociology.
Sociology as an organized social practice, an institutionalized formation
of knowledge, was created in the imperial centers at the high tide of direct
imperial expansion. Sociology drew much of its signiicant data from the
knowledge dividend of empire—from the imperial archive, as Semyonov,
Mogilner, and Gerasimov note in their discussion of Kovalevski in chapter
2. As Go (in chapter 2) and Kurasawa (in chapter 6) demonstrate with a
wealth of detail, an interest in empire and willingness to appropriate its data
were as common among the i rst generation of sociologists under the presidents as under the czars.
It would be extraordinary if the discipline’s concepts were not inluenced
by this situation. Indeed they were and are. For instance, Zimmerman shows
the formative traces of colonization and empire in the thought of Max Weber
(see chapter 5). he comparative method that Durkheim saw as the heart of
sociology is exactly the colonizer’s gaze on the colonized within the epistemology of empire.
Coming forward to recent sociolog ical thought, presumptions of global
diference, the centrality of the metropole, and appropriation of the experience of the colonized—that is to say, an imperialist epistemology—underlie
the general theories put forward by Coleman, Giddens, and Bourdieu
(Connell 2006). Sociology certainly has other possibilities. But the depth
to which sociolog ical thought has been shaped by its location in empire
should not be forgotten. h is is a realm where constant critique is needed.
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KNOWLEDGE ABOUT EMPIRE
he discussions of empire in professional sociology exist, of course, in a
larger context of public debate and social science. Sociolog ical perspectives
are oten missing from this wider discourse. Global political economy is a
signiicant case. he pioneering work of Amin (1969), whose Accumulation
on a World Scale is still valuable forty years on, like the widely read work of
David Harvey (2005), rest on a schematic class analysis that misses most of
the social dynamics and elides the world of institutions.
Even more strikingly, Hardt and Negri’s famous Empire (2000), which in
the recent literature on globalization uniquely captures the violence, fear,
and corruption generated by global power dynamics, deliberately downplays the arena of the social. hey argue that the “mediations” provided by
civil society are withering away, that institutions from the family to the welfare state are in decline, and that postmodern change is sweeping all of
human life into a grand confrontation between Empire and Multitude. Like
Negri’s earlier work as a radical theorist and activist in Italy, this dispenses
with empirical study of the social (Connell 2011). It rules out in advance
such sociolog ical innovation as Stacey’s (2011) vivid cross-national study of
changing family forms and the political struggles around them.
Sociology is needed for an adequate understanding of contemporary empire as much as historical sociology is needed for understanding empires of
the past. But whose sociology?
he literature of the sociology of empires, like sociology in general, has
mostly been written by white middle-class men in the global North. To make
this observation is not a denunciation or a guilt trip. In my view, we should
welcome contributions to these issues from any direction, including white
middle-class men from the global North. But as sociologists, we should be
willing to raise sociology-of-knowledge questions about our own formations
of knowledge and join the decolonization of sociology proposed by Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Boatcă, and Costa (2010).
Sociology is part of a global structure of knowledge production, which
has a powerful tendency to centralize the theoretical moment of science in
the global North and to create intellectual dependence or “extroversion” in
the periphery (Hountondji 2002). h is hegemonized academic knowledge
production is in tension with the social multiplicity of knowledge—opening
questions about what Harding (2008) has called “sciences from below.”
As sociologists concerned with empire, we have to recognize that
knowledge about imperialism is not coni ned to the imperial powers. he
colonized also know what is going on. And the intellectuals of colonized
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societies work as hard as the intellectuals of the metropole to understand
the process—perhaps harder, as it can be a matter of life and death for them.
Several of the studies in this book call attention to the ideas of groups in
colonized societies. In chapter 14, Chae speaks of the intellectuals of Korea
under Japa nese imperial power, drawing on liberal and socialist ideas to
contest the occupier’s ideology. In chapter 12, Gowda describes the governing elite of one of the princely states in British India, crat ing a developmentalist ideology from a position of political weakness. Goh describes the importance of Filipino resistance and collaboration for the shit ing strategies
of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines (see chapter 17). Beyond these cases is
a broad arena of thought about colonialism and contemporary empire that
comes from anticolonial struggles, postcolonial critique, peace movements,
global feminism, environmental struggles, and more.
he knowledge and ideas that come from these sources is not easily
merged with academic sociology. here are deep issures and contestations
here, arising ultimately from the violence and the split culture of empire itself. For this reason, I consider a “ield” analysis of the sociology of empire
not adequate to the terrain; to put it more bluntly, this would limit our intellectual resources to those conforming to a speciic Northern construction
of the problems. here is more wealth—and more diiculty—to be found.
It is perhaps in the tensions and synergies between diferently situated formations of knowledge that we i nd the best possibilities for new understandings of empire.
SOUTHERN THEORISTS OF EMPIRE
Let me give two examples of what is to be found by opening the lens wider:
texts that have been accessible for a long time but are little noticed except
by area specialists.
he i rst is a book that was once much better known. It is called he hree
Principles of the People (San Min Chu I) and is a transcription of lectures
delivered in 1924 by Sun Yat-sen—replacing a book whose drat manuscript
was destroyed in the civil wars that followed the overthrow of the Qing dynasty. Sun was not an academic social scientist; he was a medical doctor
who became a political activist and briely president of the i rst Republic of
China. In the 1920s, his party, the Kuomintang, was reorganizing and
needed a statement of principles. Sun, nearing the end of his life, produced a
complex text, part theory and speculation, part commentary on current affairs, part programmatic and organ izational.
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It is of interest in many ways, the most immediate being that it provides a
brilliant conspectus of the world of imperialism in the early twentieth century, as understood by someone who had struggled against both internal
and external empire, with many setbacks but also with notable success. Sun
discusses population movements, economic domination, interventionist
states, rival empires, war, and the disintegrating efect of outside imperialism on culture and politics in China.
Sun is anti-imperialist to the boot heels. But he is also critical of simpleminded anti-Westernism, as seen in the Boxer movement. Sun is respectful
of European culture (ofering, for instance, a perceptive critique of Rousseau). He develops arguments about how to combine Chinese tradition with
European science and technology—long anticipating postcolonial theorists
on “hybridity.” h is includes a concern with social technologies, such as
divided-powers constitutions. Sun is also interested in other anticolonial
movements, such as Gandhi’s noncooperation movement in India.
here is more, including a critique of Marxism that raises issues about
embodiment and the natural environment. Sun is no social radical; he has a
traditional Chinese intellectual’s respect for social hierarchy and is antagonistic to unionism. But he ofers an extraordinarily interesting account of
social dynamics in the periphery of the European empires, which is worth
fresh attention.
My second example, from the following decade, is a very diferent kind of
text. In 1938 Jomo Kenyatta published Facing Mount Kenya: he Tribal Life of
the Gikuyu. h is was a monograph in the style made famous by Malinowski
(who contributed a preface) and in sociology by the Chicago School. It covered economic organization, kinship, religion, law, and so on, in an elaborate and sophisticated presentation of a non-European way of life. What made
it unique in its day, and still unusual, is that it was a full-scale ethnography
written by one of the subjects of the ethnography.
Kenyatta was at the time a leading igure in Gikuyu politics. He had been
chosen leader of his age cohort, became general secretary of the Gikuyu
Central Association, launched the i rst Gikuyu journal, and was spokesman
for the indigenous people at the colonial government’s inquiries on land
issues. He became the leader of an independence movement and head of the
postcolonial government, but in 1938 that was still in the future. What
is really remarkable about Facing Mount Kenya is that Kenyatta was able to
use the genre of a social-scientiic monograph to contest colonialism and
thus reverse the usual complicity between social science and colonial
administration.
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h is is not only because he plainly narrates episodes of violence, deception,
and greed on the part of the British colonizers, of a kind usually glossed over
by ethnography at the time. More profoundly, Kenyatta contests colonialism’s
disdain for the colonized—the root of all Northern social science’s discourse
about “primitive,” “backward,” or “developing” societies—by turning social
theory against colonialism. He picks up social-scientiic functionalism and
says, in efect, here among the colonized we have a fully functioning and wellintegrated social system: “On concluding this study it cannot be too strongly
emphasised that the various sides of Gikuyu life here described are the parts
of an integrated culture. No single part is detachable; each has its context and
is fully understandable only in relation to the whole” (p. 309).
But the Europeans—who, Kenyatta observes, cannot even keep the
peace in Europe—have set about wrecking this social order for their own
purposes, and their guns and railways give them the power to do so. Facing
Mount Kenya is, among other things, a remarkable literary achievement, a
beautiful lament for the social worlds destroyed by global empire. Kenyatta’s successors are still struggling with the long-term consequences.
SOUTHERN ISSUES: LAND AND GENDER
One of the issues emphasized by Kenyatta is land. he Gikuyu, following
generous local custom, had allowed the new arrivals the temporary use of
land—and thus lost it. he British, Kenyatta argues, misinterpreted the
Gikuyu land tenure system in other ways too that made it easier to expropriate land, especially the best land—“the land which was, and still is, the soul
of the people” (1938: 213).
Here Kenyatta was opening up a major issue about imperialism, which
sociolog ical theory almost entirely misses. here is little about the land in
mainstream sociology in any period, except in the marginal ield of rural
sociology. h is is not a question of abstract “space” but of actual land (and
for that matter sea) with its varied productive capacities and its densely layered social meanings. Anyone who is not familiar with the complex uses and
meanings of land for an indigenous people, the way a speciic landscape is
part of a changing social order, should read Somerville and Perkins’s wonderful (2010) Singing the Coast, based on the survival of a small indigenous
community in eastern Australia.
he seizing of land for occupation by a settler population, driving local
people of it and shattering their social structure, is a constitutive operation
of settler colonialism, as shown in Sol Plaatje’s ([1916] 1982) classic Native
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Life in South Africa. he process also occurred on a vast scale in North
America, Australasia, and the southern cone of South America. As Clarno
shows in chapter 16, this process continues to characterize settler colonialism in contemporary Israel.
A somewhat diferent process, the seizing of land without settlement,
transforming colonized populations into plantation workforces, is the main
economic basis of exploitation colonialism, from the sugar islands of the
West Indies to the rubber plantations of Malaya. As Pula shows in chapter
13, the application of colonial power to urban land is also a feature of empire.
he Italians did not get far, but the Spanish and British did, and modern
New Delhi and Ciudad México are their legacy. he Chinese regime seems
at the moment to be doing it internally, shattering and rebuilding cities such
as Guangdong.
As a good ethnographer, Kenyatta also talks about gender relations.
He describes kinship, marriage and sexuality, and gender as a factor in
politics and economics. Some of this is tough stuf: he acknowledges that
Gikuyu women are excluded from government and diferentially valued—
compensation for the death of a man was ten cows, for a woman three. Kenyatta defends female genital mutilation on the grounds that it makes girls
marriageable, declaring the indigenous, not the missionaries, as the authorities on its meaning—a position some big men in postcolonial times also
have adopted on gender issues.
Here Kenyatta opened up another important and troubling terrain for
the sociology of empire. he literature of this subject is almost wholly written by men, citing other men and rarely women. he topics it mostly deals
with—states, elites, geopolitics, macroeconomics, war, conquest, and rule—
are coded masculine in metropolitan culture or, to rephrase that, are popularly understood to be men’s business. But men oten do not notice the gendered character of men’s business; and that seems to be true of much of the
sociology of empire.
But empire is gendered. here is now a considerable feminist literature
pointing this out, both historically and in relation to contemporary empire
(Eisenstein 2009; Harcourt 2009). he workforce of conquest was overwhelmingly male. Conquest and land seizure shattered local gender orders,
resulting in a centuries-long epidemic of rape and appropriation of women’s
bodies for domestic labor. Gendered workforces were forcibly created in
plantation economies and continue to be created today in maquiladoras and
export processing zones. Missionaries conducted a worldwide ofensive
against non-European sexualities and gender arrangements, which is
Conclusion · 495
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continued today in homophobic pogroms. Is this hard to see? he gender
processes are in front of the eyes of any scholar looking at the documentation of colonial societies.
As Ashis Nandy brilliantly showed in he Intimate Enemy (1983), empire
also afects gender among the colonizers—reshaping images and practices
of masculinity. here is growing research on the way colonizing powers set
about creating patterns of masculinity among settler communities that were
adequate to the task of imperial government, that is, holding subject races
down. Morrell’s (2001) historical work on colonial Natal is a paradigmatic
example. In fact, the whole subject of race relations in empire is inextricably
bound up with gender and sexuality. he point is perfectly illustrated by the
repressive laws introduced during the colonization of Papua New Guinea:
the book by an Australian historian narrating the colonizers’ paranoia is
pointedly called “Not a White Woman Safe” (Inglis 1974).
NEW EMPIRE
A great deal of efort has gone into understanding the structures of global
power that crystallized ater the independence struggles and decolonization
of South and Southeast Asia, northern and southern Africa, and the Paciic
island colonies. Rightly so. he historical experience of Latin America showed
that formal independence need not mean the end of colonial social structures,
nor did it prevent the intrusion of new forms of external power, achieved irst
by Britain and then by the United States (Cardoso and Faletto 1979).
hough we can get lost in deinitional debates, I have no diiculty in seeing
the late twentieth-century combination of investment from the metropole,
trade dependence, military coercion, one-way cultural inluence, and political
manipulation as a new form of empire. here are diferent kinds of empire, as
Mann rightly argues in chapter 7, and particular empires have changed structurally in the past. Historians speak of the “second British empire,” and certainly the heaven-born bureaucrats of the late nineteenth-century Raj do
seem to have operated a diferent system of power from the robber barons of
the old East India Company. Still it was a ruthless empire, based on extremely
brutal suppression of the independence movements of 1857. Any tendency
to sentimentalize Victoria’s empire can be cured by contemplating what the
same empire was doing to the indigenous peoples of eastern Australia at the
time, to get its hands on wool, grain, and gold (Reynolds 1982).
One of the concerns of this book is whether a new form of empire is currently being constructed. here are certainly pointers that way. Bergesen’s
496 · Conclusion
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description in chapter 10 of Chinese intervention in Africa as “surgical imperialism” is one. h is does seem to have diferent characteristics from the
Washington Consensus version of globalization—though the Chinese regime’s cold-blooded deals with local oligarchies and dictatorships strongly
recall the U.S. regime’s deal making during the Cold War.
Clarno’s careful comparison of the segregationist practices of the South
African and Israeli regimes also suggests signiicant change. h is is not so
much in the greater technical resources of the Israelis as jailers of an indigenous population. he selective murder of Palestinian activists can be matched
in other cases, such as the Phoenix murder program run by the United
States against the National Liberation Front in Vietnam. he novelty is
more in the changing economic meaning of the segregation. In the context
of global neoliberalism, Clarno argues, the Palestinians are becoming one
more surplus population, unemployed and unemployable, rather than the
labor force the regime needs. As close-focus studies of Palestinian communities show, the violent disruption of ties to the land, and the social order
built on village agriculture, is a key to this situation (Hanai 2006).
I have been interested in how the “metropole apparatus” of the old imperial
centers, that is, the institutionalized capacity of colonizing societies to sustain
imperial dominance, has increasingly shited into transnational space (Connell 2007). In chapter 8, Scheppele identiies one such mechanism: international law in the irst decade of the twenty-irst century, creating a permanent
“state of exception” to facilitate the war on terror, with local regimes using the
international agreements to legitimate domestic repression.
If Scheppele is right about law and Clarno is right about the situation of
the Palestinians, the combination points to a dynamic in the growth of the
international security state, legitimating arbitrary power in relation to populations whom the international economy treats as rubbish people—and
who are made landless whether by occupation, war, or economic pressure.
he current hostility toward refugees and “illegal immigrants” in the United
States, the European Union, and Australia suggests that a popu lar base for
this mechanism is being created in the rich countries.
Empires change, and the change is not necessarily predictable, if Mann’s
diagnosis of the irrationality at the heart of U.S. military imperialism is
right. But we can do a lot to understand what is happening, and that understanding can be an asset for democracy. he sociology of empire, as represented in this book, is opening up profoundly important issues with which
social scientists and social movements need to engage.
Conclusion · 497
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Contributors
albert j. bergesen is professor and director of the School of Sociology, University of Arizona. Recent publications include “Frankian Triangles,” in Manning and
Gills (eds.), Andre Gunder Frank and Global Development (Routledge, 2011); and
“Geography and War,” in Chase-Dunn and Babones (eds.), he Handbook of WorldSystem Analysis (Routledge, in press). He is presently writing a book on the basic
principles of geopolitics.
ou-byung chae is assistant professor of sociology at Kookmin University, Seoul,
Korea. As a historical sociologist, he is interested in modern colonialism, East Asian
state formation, globalization, and cultural dif usion. His articles available in English
include “Sociology in an Era of Fragmentation” (Sociological Quarterly 2002, with
George Steinmetz) and “he ‘Moment of the Boomerang’ Never Came: Resistance
and Collaboration in Colonial Korea, 1919–1945” (Journal of Historical Sociology, 2010),
and “Homology Unleashed: Colonial, Anticolonial, and Postcolonial State Culture in
South Korea, 1930–1950” (positions: east asia cultures critique, forthcoming).
andy clarno is assistant professor of sociology and African American studies at
the University of Illinois at Chicago. He is working on a book manuscript, he Empire’s New Walls, analyzing the walled enclosures that mark the urban landscapes of
contemporary South Africa and Palestine/Israel. He has published two related articles based on this research: “A Tale of Two Walled Cities: Neoliberalization and
Enclosure in Johannesburg and Jerusalem,” Political Power and Social heory 19
(2008) and “Or Does It Explode? Collecting Shells in Gaza,” Social Psychology
Quarterly 72:2 (2009).
raewyn connell is university professor at the University of Sydney, a fellow of
the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia, and one of Australia’s leading social
scientists. Her most recent books are Confronting Equality (2011), about social science and politics; Gender: In World Perspective (2009); and Southern heory (2007),
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about social thought beyond the global metropole. Her other books include Masculinities, Schools & Social Justice, Ruling Class Ruling Culture, Gender & Power, and
Making the Diference. Her work has been translated into i teen languages. She has
taught at universities in Australia, Canada, and the United States, in departments
of sociology, political science, and education. A long-term participant in the labor
movement and peace movement, Raewyn has tried to make social science relevant
to social justice. Details at www.raewynconnell.net.
ilya gerasimov (Ph.D. in History, Rutgers University, 2000; Candidate of Sciences in History, Kazan University, Russia, 1998) is the executive editor of Ab Imperio, which is dedicated to studies of new imperial history and nationalism in the
post-Soviet space; and director at the Center for the Studies of Nationalism and
Empire (Kazan, Russia). His most recent books include Ethnic Crime, Imperial
City: Practices of Self- Organization and Paradoxes of Illegality in Late Imperial Russia, 1905–1917 (under review); Modernism and Public Reform in Late Imperial Russia:
Rural Professionals and Self- Organization, 1905–30 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009);
Writing. Degree. he Naughties [in Russian] (Moscow: Novoe izdatelstvo, 2009).
julian go is associate professor of sociology at Boston University. He is also editor
of the journal Political Power and Social heory and Chair of the ComparativeHistorical Sociology Section of the American Sociological Association. His books include Patterns of Empire: he British and American Empires, 1688–Present (Cambridge
University Press, 2011) and American Empire and the Politics of Meaning: Elite Political
Cultures in the Philippines and Puerto Rico during U.S. Colonialism (Duke University
Press, 2008). He is currently writing about postcolonial and global sociology.
daniel p. s. goh is assistant professor of sociology at the National University of
Singapore. He is the coeditor of Race and Multiculturalism in Malaysia and Singapore (2009), and his articles on culture and colonialism have been published in
Comparative Studies in Society and History, the International Journal of Cultural
Studies, Postcolonial Studies, the British Journal of Sociology, and positions: east asia
cultures critique. His current research focuses on urban aspirations, heritage cultural politics, and the remaking of Hong Kong, Malacca, Penang, and Singapore in
the age of Asian global city competition.
chandan gowda is professor of sociology at Azim Premji University, Bengaluru. His interests include social theory, sociology of knowledge, contemporary
South Asia, Indian normative traditions, and Kannada literature and cinema. In
addition to his academic publications, he has written for newspapers and published
translations of Kannada iction and noniction in English. He is presently completing a book on the cultural politics of development in the old Mysore state.
krishan kumar is university professor, William R. Kenan Jr. professor and chair,
at the Department of Sociology, University of Virginia. He was previously professor of social and political thought at the University of Kent at Canterbury, England.
Among his publications are Utopia and Anti-Utopia in Modern Times (Blackwell,
1987), 1989: Revolutionary Ideas and Ideals (University of Minnesota Press, 2001),
576 · Contributors
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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he Making of English National Identity (Cambridge University Press, 2003), and
From Post-Industrial to Post-Modern Society (2nd ed., Blackwell, 2005). He is currently working on a comparative study of Eu ropean empires.
fuyuki kurasawa is associate professor of sociology, political science, and social
and political thought at York University in Toronto, Canada. He is the author of
he Ethnological Imagination: A Cross- Cultural Critique of Modernity (University of
Minnesota Press, 2004) and he Work of Global Justice: Human Rights as Practices
(Cambridge University Press, 2007). He is currently researching the history of
Western visual representation of humanitarian crises.
michael mann is distinguished professor of sociology at ucla. He has honorary
doctorates from McGill University and the University of the Aegean and is an
honorary professor at Cambridge University. Mann is the author of the fourvolume he Sources of Social Power: A History of Power from the Beginning to 1760
(1986); he Rise of Classes and Nation- States, 1760–1914 (1993); Global Empires and
Revolution, 1890–1945 (2012); and Globalizations, 1945–2011 (2013). He has also published Incoherent Empire; Fascists; he Dark Side of Democracy; and Power in the 21st
Century: Conversations with John Hall. He is the subject of John Hall and Ralph
Schroeder (eds.), h e Anatomy of Power: h e Social h eory of Michael Mann.
marina mogilner is research fellow at the Center for the Studies of Nationalism
and Empire (Kazan, Russia) and a founder and editor of the international quarterly
Ab Imperio. She got her Russian Candidate of Sciences degree in 1998 and a Ph.D.
from Rutgers University in 2000. Her book, Mythology of the “Underground Man”:
Russian Radical Microcosm in the Early Twentieth Century as an Object of Semiotic
Analysis, came out in 1999 (in Russian), followed by Homo Imperii: A History of
Physical Anthropology in Russia (2008). he revised English-language version of this
book is due in March 2013 from Nebraska University Press.
besnik pula is a postdoctoral researcher at the Center for the Study of Social Orga nization at Princeton University under the asa/nsf fellowship program. He received his Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Michigan and holds an M.A. in
Russian and East Eu ropean Studies from Georgetown University. His work on colonialism, nationalism and empire has appeared in heory and Society and Nationalities Papers. His current research examines the relationship between socialist and
postsocialist transformations and major shit s in the world economy since 1970.
anne raffin is associate professor of sociology at the National University of Singapore. She is the author of Youth Mobilization in Vichy Indochina and Its Legacies,
1940–1970 (Lexington Books, 2005). She has written not only on colonial but also
on contemporary Vietnam, and her recent publications include “Assessing State
and Societal Functions of the Military and the War Experience in Doi Moi Vietnam” (Armed Forces and Society, 2011). Expanding her research to French colonialism in Asia, she is currently working on a manuscript entitled “Who Belongs to My
Community? Cultural Particularism vs. the Universal Nation in French Colonial
Pondicherry, 1870s–1914.”
Contributors · 577
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96
emmanuelle saada is associate professor of French, history, and sociology at
Columbia University. Her i rst book was translated into English by the University
of Chicago Press in 2012 under the title of Empire’s Children: Race, Filiation and Citizenship in the French Colonies. She is currently writing a book on the historiography
of Eu ropean colonialisms. She is also working on a project on law and violence in
nineteenth-century Algeria.
marco santoro is associate professor of sociology at the University of Bologna.
A research director at the Istituto Carlo Cattaneo (Bologna) and an associate member of the Centre européen de sociologie et de science politique (Paris), he has
published widely in both Italian and English on professions, intellectuals, arts (especially music), the Maia, social theory, and the history of sociology. He is a founding editor of the journal Sociologica: Italian Journal of Sociology online and a member
of the editorial boards of Poetics, Cultural Sociology, and the American Journal of
Cultural Sociology. He is currently writing a book on the political dimension of Maias, and working on suicide and artistic consecration, on the Chicago School of
sociology, and on the sociology of Italian sociology. He is also coediting, with
George Steinmetz, a book on the global circulation of Bourdieu.
kim lane scheppele is the Laurance S. Rockefel ler professor of sociology and
international afairs in the Woodrow Wilson School and the University Center for
Human Values as well as director of the Program in Law and Public Afairs, Princeton University. Ater 1989, Scheppele studied the emergence of constitutional law
in Hungary and Russia, living in both places for extended periods. Ater 9/11, Scheppele has researched the efects of the international “war on terror” on constitutional protections around the world. In short, when the Berlin Wall fell, she studied
the transition of countries from police states to constitutional rule-of-law states,
and ater the Twin Towers fell, she studied the process in reverse. Her forthcoming
book is called he International State of Emergency: he Rise of Global Security Law.
alexander semyonov is professor of history at the Faculty of History, National
Research University-Higher School of Economics in St. Petersburg and a founder
and editor of the international scholarly journal Ab Imperio: Studies of New Imperial
History and Nationalism in the Post- Soviet Space. He also teaches history at the Faculty of Liberal Arts and Sciences, St. Petersburg State University. He edited and
authored: Empire Speaks Out: Languages of Rationalization and Self-Description in
the Russian Empire (Leiden: Brill, 2009), in English; New Imperial History of the
Post- Soviet Space (2004); Myths and Misconceptions in Studies of Nationalism and
Empire (2010), in Russian.
george steinmetz is the Charles Tilly Professor of Sociology at the University
of Michigan. He wrote Regulating the Social: he Welfare State and Local Politics in
Imperial Germany (Princeton University Press) and he Dev il’s Handwriting: Precoloniality and the German Colonial State in Qingdao, Samoa, and Southwest Africa
(University of Chicago Press). He edited State/Culture (Cornell University Press),
he Politics of Method in the Human Sciences (Duke University Press), and Sociology
578 · Contributors
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and Empire (Duke University Press). He codirected the i lm “Detroit: Ruin of a
City” (2005). Currently he is writing a history of the emergence of sociology in imperial settings.
andrew zimmerman is professor of history at George Washington University.
He is the author of Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany (University of Chicago Press, 2001) and Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton University Press,
2010). He is currently working on a global history of the American Civil War.
Contributors · 579
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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Index
“1857 Mutiny” (India), 470
9/11 (September 11, 2001 terrorist attack,
United States), 236–37, 241, 235– 75, 451
1984 (Orwell), 77
Abdel-Malek, Anouar, xi, xivn2
Aberle, David, xvn7, 46n6
Aborigines Protection Society, 182
Abrams, Elliot, 235
Abunimah, Ali, 439
Abyssinia: Italian colonialism in, 130
Académie des sciences d’outre-mer
(France), 328
Accademia dei Lincei (Italy), 164n18
acculturation, 31
Accumulation on a World Scale (Amin), 491
Act in Restraint of Appeals (1533, England),
283
“active political colonization” (Schäle),
18–19
Act of Union (1707, Britain), 283
Adam, André, xi, 33, 46n2
Adams, Julia, 38, 45, 468, 485
Adas, Michael, 348
Addis Ababa (Ethiopia): as Italian colonial
city, 368, 371, 381–88
Adorno, heodor, 183
Adwa (Abyssinia/Ethiopia): Italian defeat
at, 107, 130, 160n2
Afghan istan, xiii, 452
Africa, 31, 166; China, relations with,
300–18 (chap. 10); partition of, 13, 18, 325.
See also Berlin West Africa Conference;
“Scramble for Africa” (second);
individual countries
African Americans, 177– 79, 182. See also
“Negro Question”
African Development Bank, 307
African Growth and Opportunity Act
(United States), 225
African Union, 452
L’Afrique fantôme (Leiris), 31
Agamben, Giorgio, 450, 461; on “state of
exception,” 446–47; on “zones of
indistinction,” 446–47
agency of colonized (general), 345, 357, 399,
401
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of
Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS),
225–26
agriculture. See plantations, smallholding
Aguinaldo, Emilio (General), 474
aids, 225
Aitchison, C. U.: Native Princes of India,
365n32
ajs. See American Journal of Sociology
Aksum obelisk (Ethiopia), 367
Alaska, 99
Alavi, Hamza, 37
L’Albania (Baldacci), 395n31
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Albania (Italian colony), 107, 154, 366– 95
(chap. 13); ethnographic representations
of, 380, 382, 387– 90; fascism in, 373– 74;
indigenous elites, role of, 375
Albright, Madeleine, 231
Algeria: China, relations with, 301; as
French colony, 13–14, 32, 37, 65, 194,
208n6, 321–39 (chap. 11); Jews in, 50n37,
333; Kabyle in, 87, 194, 326; sociology in,
47n10. See also Algerian War
Algerian War (French-Algerian War), 191
Algiers (Algeria), 321, 323, 327, 332–33
Alongi, Giuseppe: In Tripolitania, 132
Al Qaeda, 236–37
Alsace-Lorraine, 170, 325
Althusser, Louis, 37, 43
Amadori-Virgilij, Giovanni, 133; Il
sentimento imperialista, 120–22
“American Century,” 241, 243
American Economic Association, 96
American Empire. See United States
(American) Empire
American Enterprise Institute, 232
American Historical Association, 95
American Indians. See Native Americans
American Journal of Sociology (ajs), xi,
xvnn7–8, 22, 84–86, 89, 91– 93, 97– 98,
102, 105n17, 133
American Oriental Society, 96
American Political Science Review, 96
American Revolution, 294
American Social Science Association,
104n7
American Sociolog ical Review (asr), 165n32
American Sociological Society, 83–84, 86, 92
American sociology. See United States:
sociology
Amin, Samir: Accumulation on a World
Scale, 491
Ammon, Otto, 148
anarchism (Russian), 56, 69
ancient empires, 2, 11, 23, 28, 40–42, 50n40
Ancient Law and Village Communities in the
East and West (Maine), 352, 365n29
Andalucia (Spain), reconquest of, 284
Anderson, Benedict: Imagined Communities, 280–81
Anderson, John, 479
Angell, Robert Cooley, x
Angevin monarchy (England), 296n6
Angola: China, relations, 301–4, 316
Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, 96
Annam: French colony, 324
Annamites (Indochina), representations of,
326
Année sociologique (journal, France), xivn2,
192, 208n6, 208n8, 134
anthropology: colonialism/imperialism
and, 18, 29–32, 183, 188, 193, 196, 209n15,
326–27, 466, 470, 472, 474– 75; sociology
and, xivn2, xvnn7–8, 1, 3, 29–32, 46n6,
49n29, 188–89, 190, 192, 206, 208n6. See
also individual countries/empires
anticolonial nationalism: in colonies, 26,
31–32, 102–103, 197, 398, 401, 410–12; in
metropoles, 100, 102, 291– 92. See also
anticolonial nationalism in individual
countries; resistance of colonized
antiglobalists, opposition to “new
imperialism,” (Mann), 226
anti-terrorism. See “anti-terrorism laws” in
individual countries; law: global security;
United Nations, Security Council:
Counter-Terrorism Committee; “war on
terror”
apartheid: in Palestine/Israel, 436, 439,
444; in South Africa, 38, 43, 436, 439–43,
454, 456
“Apartheid Wall” (Palestine/Israel), 445
Appadurai, Arjun, 44; “fear of small
numbers,” 455–57
Appiah, Kwame Anthony, 343
Apter, Andrew, xiiin1
Aquitaine (France), 285
Arab countries: sociology in, 47n10
Arabism, 401
Aragon, kingdom of (Spain), 285
Archiv fur Sozialwissenschat und Socialpolitik (journal, Germany), 28
Archivio di psichiatria, scienze penali e
antropolgia criminale (journal, Italy),
161n8
Arendt, Hannah, 23, 34, 44, 449
Argentina, 222, 235; anti-terrorism laws in,
257; Britain, relations with, 215–16
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Armitage, David, 283–84
Armitage, Dick (Richard), 234
Aron, Raymond, 33–34
asr. See American Sociolog ical Review
Assab (Eritrea): Italian colony, 107
Asian Financial Crisis (1997), 223
Asianism, discourse: in Japan, 403–5; in
Korea, 410–12
assimilation, 405; in American Philippines,
98– 99, 471– 74, 476, 479;“benevolent
assimilation” (McKinley), 472; in French
Empire, 50n37, 196–201, 206, 290– 91,
323–24, 334–37, 14n10, 419–20, 426–27,
433; in Germany, 35, 184; in Italian
Empire, 373–5, 382, 390, 392; in Japa nese
Korea, 404– 6, 409–12, 413n7, 414n9; in
United States, 68, 91, 103, 104n5
Austen, Ralph, xiii
Australia: indigenous peoples in, 20, 192,
194, 494, 496; sociology in, 9
Austria: sociology in, 47n10
Austro-Hungarian Empire, 12, 16–18, 26, 39,
42, 50n39, 281, 288, 377. See also Habsburg
Empire
“autonomy” (Clarno): in Palestine/Israel
and South Africa, 437–39, 448, 461
autonomy of science, xvin12
L’Avanti (newspaper, Italy), 164n24
“axis of evil” (Frum), 233
d’Azeglio, Massimo, 286
Bagehot, Walter, 147
Bakongo people (French Congo), 36–37
Bakunin, Mikhail, 56
Balandier, Georges, ix, xivn2, 4, 45;
Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique noire,
36–37; Sociologie des Brazzavilles noires,
37
Baldacci, Antonio: L’Albania, 395n31
Balkans, 377; crisis in (pre-WWI), 121
Bandits and Bureaucrats (Barkey), 38
Bantu Mining Corporation, 457
Bantu peoples (Africa), 154
bantustans. See South Africa: Bantustan
system
“Bantustization” (West Bank) 436, 439
Barkey, Karen, 45; Bandits and Bureaucrats,
38; Empire of Diference, 38
Barnes, Harry, 6
Bartlett, Robert, 284
Basques (Spain), 283, 285
Bastide, Roger, ix, xivn2, 1, 4, 32, 45
Bataille, Georges, 192
Baudrillard, Jean, 50n36
bbc (British Broadcasting Corporation),
240
Bearing Point (U.S. company), 239
Beccaria, Cesare, 112
Bechtel (U.S. corporation), 241
Bechuanaland (Botswana): as British
protectorate, 85
Becker, Howard, 6, 104n6, 105n17
Bedouin, 90
Behemoth (Neumann), 34
“Beijing Consensus” (Bergesen), 301–2,
306–12
Bekhterev, Vladimir, 70– 71
Belgian Empire, 167, 182, 184–85, 307
Belgium: as Austrian colony, 39
Benelux countries, 184
“benevolent assimilation” (McKinley), 472
Bengal, 349
Benini, Rodolfo, 135
Bentham, Jeremy, 346, 363n20
Berbers. See Kabyle
Bergesen, Albert, 496– 97; “Long Waves of
Colonial Expansion and Contraction”
(with Schoenberg), 302–3, 306
Berkeley, University of California at, 96
Berlin, Congress of, 377
Berlin, Isaiah, 167
Berlin University, xivn2, 19, 50n35, 174
Berlin Wall, 436
Berlin West Africa Conference, 49n20, 167,
183–84. See also Africa: partition of
Berque, Jacques, ix, 4, 32, 44
Beuchat, Henri, 207n2
Bhabha, Homi, 45
Bhutto, Benazir, 271
Biko, Steve, 448–49, 457
Bin Laden, Osama, 231, 271
“biopower” (Foucault), 446, 455
Bishara, Marwan, 439
Bismarck, Otto von, 169– 70, 172
Blackman, W. F., 97
Blackmar, Frank Wilson xvn8
Index · 583
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Black Metropolis (Drake), xivn2
Blair, Tony, 231
“blowback” (Johnson), 44. See also
“boomerang”; metropole
Boas, Franz, 31, 137
Boatcă, Manuela, 491
Boer War, 83, 92
Bogolepov, M: he Paper Money, 82n17
Bolivia: as Spanish colony, 302, 307
Bologna, University of, 164n26
Bombay, University of, 20
Bonn University, 28
“boomerang,” colonial (Sartre), 15. See also
“blowback”; metropole
Bosco, Augusto, 113, 134, 136
Bose, Sugata, 341
Bosio, Gherardo, 386, 388, 395n31
Botswana, 457
Bouglé, Célestin, 207n2
Bourdieu, Pierre, xi, 191, 468, 471, 490; on
“ields,” 4, 6, 40, 449; on French Algeria,
37, 208n6; on scientiic nomos, 6;
Sociologie de l’Algérie, 37; status as
sociologist, 6, ix
de Bourmont, Comte (Louis Auguste
Victor), 327
Boxer movement (China), 493
Brandenburg (Germany), 168
Brasini, Armando, 385
Brazil: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as
“hybrid society,” 31; Indians in, 30; as
Portuguese colony, 31
Bremer, Paul, 239
Brenner, Neil: “state space,” 437–38;
rescaling of statehood,” 451; “reterritorialization,” 451
Brentano, Lujo, 169– 70,
Breton, André, 192
Bretton Woods system, 217, 219, 249
bricolage (Lévi-Strauss), 32
Britain: Act of Union (1707), 283; Argentina, relations with: 215–16; “composite
monarchy,” 283, 296n6; “internal
colonization,” 285 (see also Ireland,
Scotland, Wales); Peru, relations with,
215; political parties/groups: Conservative Party, 475–82, 485; Labor Party,
480–81; New Liberals, 22; “Little
Englanders,” 291– 92, 297n15; Radicals,
22; social anthropology, 29; social
evolutionism in, 473; sociology, 6, 18,
47n10; state formation, 284–87. See also
British Empire; England; Ireland;
Scotland; Wales
British Empire, 18, 22–23, 53–54, 85, 167, 214,
217, 280–82, 288, 290– 91, 294, 302, 306,
312–18
British Empire, features: Colonial Oice,
48n19, 481, 483; colonial reformers in
metropole, 182; ethnographic discourse
in, 341, 380, 466, 468, 470, 473, 476, 481,
483; “free trade imperialism” of, 224, 314;
India Oice, 64; indigenous elites, role
of, 340– 65, 465–88; “indirect rule” in 12,
14, 38, 322, 341, 467– 68, 470, 472; native
policy in, 465–88; “second British
empire,” 496
British Empire, parts: Falkland Islands,
236–37; India, 14, 43, 65, 340– 65, 406,
469– 70, 492– 933, 496; Kenya, 493– 95,
50n36; Malaya, 465–88, 473 map 1;
Malaysia, 92; Maldives, 236–37; Mysore
(India), 340– 62; Natal, 496; Nigeria,
467– 70; Straits Settlement, 472, 474–84
British Raj. See British Empire, features:
India Oice; British Empire, parts: India
British Sociolog ical Society, 22
British South Africa Company, 85
Brittany (France), 285
Broca, Paul, 327
Brubaker, Rogers, 285, 337
Brunei: anti-terrorism laws in, 257
Brzezinsky, Zbigniew, 228
Buchanan, Robert W., xvn8
Buckle, Henry homas: Histoire de la
civilization en Angleterre, 147
Bui Quang Chieu, 422
Bukharin, Nikolai, 10
Bulgaria: anti-terrorism laws in, 257
Bülow, Bernhard von (Chancellor), 176
Bureau of American Ethnology, 96– 98
Bureau of Indian Afairs (United States), 48
Burgess, Ernest: Introduction to the Science
of Sociology (with Park), 11, 145
Burgess, John W., 96
Burgundian Empire, 42, 284
584 · Index
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Burgundy (France), 285
Bush, George H. W., 183, 228, 231, 449
Bush, George W., 183, 224, 228, 231–32,
236–37, 268
Businco, Lino, 395
Byelorussia (Belarus), 75
Caillois, Roger, 192
Calabria (Italy): as “barbarous,” 158
Calvé Souprayachettiar (school, French
Pondicherry), 425
Cameroon: as German colony, 186n10;
French colonialism in, 324
Camic, Charles, 118
Canada: anti-terrorism laws in, 257;
Iroquois (indigenous group), 194;
Kwakiutl (indigenous group), 83; in “the
Quad,” 225–26
Capet, Hugh, 285
Capital (Marx), 14
capitalism, colonialism/imperialism and,
14–15, 22, 25–29, 35–39, 300–18
Ca ribbean: anticolonial protests in, 102;
U.S. colonialism in, 95
Carli, Filippo, 114, 149
Carroll, Philip, 240
Carter, Jimmy (James), 228, 439
Cartesian rationality, 199–200, 202
Casa di Fascio (Albania), 382, 386 ig. 13.1,
387– 90
caste (India). See India: caste in;
Hinduism
Castile, kingdom of (Spain), 283, 285,
297n10
Catalonia (Spain), 283, 285
Catellani, Enrico, 136–37
Catholicism, 13, 180, 288
“Catholic” sociology (Italy), 165n34
Cattaneo, Carlo, 113
Caucasus, 61, 64– 66, 70, 80n5
Cavaglieri, Guido, 134–35, 137
centcom (United States Central
Command), 238
Central America: U.S. colonialismin, 95
Central Intelligence Agency (cia, United
States), 215, 232–34, 242
Centre Pompidou (France), 207
Centro studi per l’Albania (Italy), 395
Cesaire, Aimé, 401
Chad: China, relations with, 301, 316
Ch’aeho, Sin, 411
Chaehong, An 412
Chae, Ou-Byung, 492
Chaianov, Alexander, 76– 79; Journey of My
Brother Alexey to the Land of Peasant
Utopia, 77
Champagne, Duane, xv n8
Chanemougan (indigenous leader, French
Pondicherry), 416–17, 422, 426, 432,
435n7
Character and Social Structure (Gerth and
Mills), xii, 33
Chatterjee, Partha: “rule of colonial
diference,” 21, 43, 48n14, 368, 370,
397– 98, 417
Chaudhry, It ikhar, 270
Chechnya: Russia, wars with, 259
Cheney, Dick (Richard), 230, 232, 234,
240–41
Chernov, Viktor, 69
Chicago School (sociology), 103, 168, 493
Chicago, University of, 67, 81, 85, 88, 96, 98,
101, 117
Chieu, Bui Quang, 422
Chieu, Gilbert, 422, 429
Chile: Pinochet regime, 222
China, 35, 130, 215; economic rise of, 227,
301, 305, 309, 311–12, 318; France,
relations with, 325, 334; Japan, relations
with, 215; sociology in, 9; “surgical
colonialism” of, 300–18, 496– 97; United
States, relations with, 40, 214, 228, 231,
242, 471. See also Chinese Empire;
Republican Revolution; Sino-Japanese
War; Taiping Rebellion; Xinhai
Revolution
Chinese Empire, 48, 242, 280, 295
Christianity, 25, 41–42, 182, 284, 297n13,
335, 364n27, 409. See also Catholicism;
Crusades; Protestantism; religion
Churchill, Winston, 231
Ciano, Galeazzo, 373– 74, 382, 395n27
Ciccotti, Ettore, 135
Cipriani, Lindo, 154
“City Beautiful” movement, 382
Ciudad México (Mexico City), 495
Index · 585
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“civilizing” discourse, 20, 41, 44, 87, 99–100,
204, 206, 280, 289, 473. See also mission
civilisatrice
Civilizing Process (Elias), 166, 200, 333
Clarno, Andy, 497
Clementi, Cecil, 481–85
Cliford, Hugh, 479
Clinton, Bill (William Jeferson), 183, 228,
231, 233–34, 243
Coalition Provisional Authority (Iraq),
239
Cobbett, William, 298n15
Cochin China (French colony), 421
Code de la nationalité (France), 331
Code de l’indigénat (indigenous penal code,
French Empire), 330
Codes Noirs (black codes, French Empire),
332
Cohn, Barney, xiii n1
Cohn, Bernard, 299n20
Colajanni, Napoleone, 111, 113, 120–22, 133,
137, 159, 161n6; Politica coloniale, 120–21;
Razze inferiori e razze superiori: Latini e
Anglosassoni, 121; Il socialismo, 121;
Sociologia criminale, 121
Cold War, xivn4, 104, 215–16, 231, 250–51,
254, 456, 497
Cole, Fay- Cooper, 98
Coleman, James, 490
Coletti, Francesco, 111, 113, 132–33, 135–36;
La Tripolitiana settentrionale e la sua vita
sociale studiate dal vero, 132
collaboration of colonized, 38, 45, 392n17,
399–400, 406, 408, 412, 416, 421, 431, 433,
465–88, 492. See also elites, role of
indigenous
Collège Calvé (French Pondicherry),
425
Collège coloniale (French Pondicherry),
425–26
Collège de sociologie (France), 192
Collège du protectorat (French Vietnam),
430
Collier, James, 92
Collins, John, 459
Collins, Randall, 94
Colonial Congresses, 176
Colonial Institute (Germany), 177
colonialism: “borrowed colonialism”
(Deringil), 396; dei nition of, 10–11, 43,
374, 397; “defensive colonialism”
(Cumings), 396; “derivative colonialism”
(Chae), Japa nese Empire as, 402–4;
“dyadic” colonialism (Chae), Western
colonialism as, 306; “excentric” theories,
2, 38, 400, 467– 68; “paternalistassimilationist colonialism” (Pula), in
Italian Empire, 375, 381– 90; non-Western
colonialism, distinctiveness of, 396;
“racial colonialism” (Pula), in Italian
Empire, 375, 381– 90; settler colonialism,
11, 306, 436– 64, 494– 95; “surgical
colonialism” (Bergesen), China in
Africa, 300–18, 496– 97; “triadic”
colonialism (Chae): Japa nese Empire,
396–414; “waves” of (Bergesen and
Schoenberg), 302–3, 306. See also
colonial state; colonial violence;
colonization; empire; imperialism; “rule
of colonial diference”
Colonial-Political Action Committee
(cpac, Germany), 176
Colonial Sociolog ical Congress, 336
colonial state, 3, 12, 30, 39–45; ideal-types,
467– 71; neo-Weberian analyses of,
465– 67, 469, 484; postcolonial analyses
of, 466, 468, 470; rational-choice
analyses of, 485
“colonial structure” (Chae), 397– 99
colonial urbanism, 20; in India, 20; in
Italian Empire, 366– 95
Le colonie Italiane in Isvizzera durante la
guerra (Michels), 125
colonies, typologies: internal vs. informal,
282; settlement vs. exploitation, 18, 43,
324, 326
colonistics (Maunier), 31
colonization: as distinct from colonialism,
11; “internal colonization,” 168, 170– 73,
176– 77, 183, 185, 285, 321; “passive
colonization” vs. “active political
colonization” (Schäle), 18–19; “scientiic
colonization” (Derburg), 177
Colonizing Egypt (Mitchell), 39
Columbia University (United States), 85,
90, 101, 103, 105n8
586 · Index
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Comarof, Jean and John, xiiin1
Comitato Italiano per lo studio delle
popolazioni, 154
Commissione per le colonie (Italy), 107,
160n1
communes (administrative divisions,
France), 420
“communicative action” (Habermas),
183–84
Communist Academy (Soviet Union), 79
Communist International, 410
Compania Mexicana de Petroleo Aguila,
149
comparative methodology, 20, 86–87, 90
“composite monarchies” (Kumar), 283,
296n6
comprador class, 215, 223
Comte, Auguste, 8, 13, 44, 63, 191; 208n4,
350; Cours de philosophie positive, 13
Concept of the Political (Schmitt), 182–83
Concert of Eu rope, 377
Condorcet, Marquis de, 191; Sketch for a
Historical Picture of the Progress of the
Human Mind, 208n4
Conference of Ambassadors, 377
Confucianism, 180
Cong Luan (newspaper, French Vietnam),
422, 429–30
Congo, 175: Bakongo people in, 36–37; as
Belgian colony, 182, 184–85; China,
relations with, 301, 307; as French colony,
36–37; United States’ recognition as
independent, 378
Congo Free State, 183
Congo Reform Association, 182
Congress of Arts and Sciences (United
States), 84, 97, 105n14
Congress of Berlin, 377
Congress of Colonial Studies (Italy),
163n16, 164n22
Connell, Raewyn (R. W.), xi, 85–88, 104n3,
161n5, 208n3; “metropole apparatus,” 497
Conoco (U.S. corporation), 239
consciencism, 401
conseils municipaux (administrative
divisions, France), 420
Conseil supérieur des colonies (France),
419
Cooley, Charles, 88, 92, 97
Cooper, Frederick, 291, 294– 95, 326, 415
Cornell, Stephen E., xvn8
Cornell University (United States), 85,
96– 97
Corradini, Enrico, 148, 164n4
Corsica: independence movements in, 322
Cosentini, Francesco, 111, 113
cosmopolitanism, 41
Costa, Sérgio, 491
cour de cassation (France), 419
Cours de philosophie positive (Comte), 13
C.P.S.U. (Communist Party of the Soviet
Union), Central Committee: History of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
(Bolsheviks): Short Course, 80
“crackpot realism” (Mills), xii–xiii
Crime and Punishment, Achievement and
Reward (Sorokin), 72
Criminal Sociology (Ferri), 144
Crispi, Francesco, 130–31, 163n17
Croce, Benedetto, 111, 161n6
Cromer, Lord (Evelyn Baring), 214
Crusades: state formation and, 284. See also
Christianity; religion
Cuba: as Spanish colony, 85; U.S. occupation of, 85, 95, 98– 99, 481
Cumings, Bruce: “defensive colonialism,”
396
Dalberg-Acton, Lord (John Emmerich
Edward), 293
Damaras (Namibia), 90
Darwin, Charles, 141, 147
datsu-A (discourse, Japan), 403
Davis, Mike, 460
Davis, Uri, 439
Davy, George: From Tribe to Empire (with
Moret), 29
“decentralized despotism” (Mamdani), 38,
470
Decline of the West (Spengler), 26
decolonization, 36, 38, 109, 379, 483–84, 496
“defensive colonialism,” 396
degeneration, discourse of, 26, 158
Dell’Acqua, Enrico, 163n17
De Marinis, Enrico, 122, 133, 136
De Martiis, Salvatore Cognetti, 122
Index · 587
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Democracy and Empire (Giddings), 100–101
Democracy in America (Tocqueville), 14
“democratic empire” (Giddings), 101, 103
“demographic imperialism” (Michels),
125–26
demography, 115–16, 125–26, 132, 135, 151, 159,
162n10, 363n17
“denationalization” (Sassen), 450–51
dependency theories, 35, 44, 309
Deringil, Selim: “borrowed colonialism,”
Ottoman Empire, 396
“derivative colonialism” (Chae): Japa nese
Empire as, 402–4
Dernburg, Bernhard, 176; “scientiic
colonization,” 177
Derrida, Jacques, 183–84
Der Staat (Oppenheimer), 27
development, discourse: in British India,
340– 65
Dharma, discourse (India), 354–55
Diaz, Pori rio, 149
Diderot, Denis, 192
La difesa della razza (journal, Italy), 395n31
Dirks, Nicholas, 299n20, 415
Di Rudinì, Antonio, 130
Discourse on the Origins of Inequality
(Rousseau), 191
Dodecanese Islands (Greece): Italian
colonialism in, 107
Doha Development Round (wto), 225–26
“dollar diplomacy” (Mann), 215
“dollar seigniorage” (Mann), 216–20,
229–30, 243
Dong-A University (Korea), xiiin1
Dragomanov, Mikhailo, 60
Drake, St. Clair, ix, xivn2; Black Metropolis,
xivn2
Dreyfus afair, 20, 208n7
Duara, Prasenjit, xiiin1
Du Bois, W. E. B., 86, 137, 177, 182, 449
Dulivier, Pierre, 420
Durand d’Ubraye (governor, French
Pondicherry), 425
Durkheim, Emile, 13, 20, 29–31, 59, 87, 128,
134, 163n13, 166, 188–209, 336, 490;
Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 20,
192, 194; Evolution of Educational
hought, 209n14; “mechanical solidarity,”
194; Moral Education, 198; “organic
solidarity,” 194; Rules of Sociolog ical
Method, 201
Durkheimian School, 188–209; anthropology and, 192, 194– 95, 205; critique of
colonialism/imperialism, 197– 98, 201–3;
cultural relativism of, 201–2; Enlightenment, inluence of, 190– 92, 199, 202;
French republicanism and, 195, 199–200;
on Native Americans, xvn8; Romanticism, inluence of, 190– 92, 200, 202;
“scientiic humanism” of, 191; scienticism
of, 195– 96; social evolutionism and,
203–5
Dutch Empire, 38–39, 281, 291, 468, 472
Dutt, R. C., 342, 345
“dyadic” colonialism (Chae): Western
colonialism as, 306
Eagle Oil Company, 149
East India Company (eic; Britain), 417, 496
Eberhard, Wolfram, 41
École colonial (France), 328–29
École normale supérieure, 6
École pratique des hautes études (France),
68
Economia politica (Loria), 123
Economy and Society (Weber), 24–26
Egypt, 39; as British colony, 214; sociology
in, 47n10
Egyptian Empire, 147
Eichengreen, Barry, 243
Einaudi, Luigi: A Merchant Prince: A Study
of Italian Colonial Expansion, 163n17
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 228
Elementary Forms of Religious Life
(Durkheim), 20, 192, 194
Elementi di scienza politica (Mosca), 112, 129,
163n18
Elias, Norbert, 186: Civilizing Process, 166,
200, 333
elites, role of indigenous,102, 221, 274, 302,
398–401: in American Philippines, 39,
465– 88; in British India, 340– 65, 470;
in British Malaya, 465–88; in French
Empire, 415, 421, 422, 433; in Italian
Albania, 375; in Japa nese Korea, 408–12.
See also collaboration of colonized
588 · Index
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Elkin, W. B., 98
Ellis Island (United States), 81n6
empire: dei nition of, 9, 213, 280; direct
empire, 214; “empire of bases,” 48;
empires of domination” (Mann) 41–43,
48n17; forms, 43–44; hegemony as form
of empire, 216–17; indirect empire, 214
(see also “indirect rule”); “informal
empire,” xivn4, 33, 43, 214, 228–43;
military relation to, xvn9, 214–15,
227–44; nation-states relation to, 3–4, 17,
21, 48n19, 251–52, 279– 99; periodizations
of (waves, cycles, etc.), 4, 13–44, 281–82,
302–3, 306; “territorial empires” (Mann),
41–43; “world state” (Tarde), 21. See also
colonialism; colonies; colonization;
imperialism; individual countries’
empires (e.g., British Empire, German
Empire)
Empire (Hardt and Negri), x, 250, 436,
449–51, 491
“empire of bases,” 48
Empire of Diference (Barkey), 38
“empires of domination” (Mann), 41–43,
48n17
“enclosures” (Palestine/Israel), 443–46,
453– 60
Energy Task Force (United States), 238
Engels, Friedrich, 169
England: Act in Restraint of Appeals (1533),
283; Angevin monarchy, 296n6; Norman
Conquest, 284
“Englishness,” 287
Enlightenment thought, 55, 58, 190– 92,
199–200, 202, 281, 293, 364n27, 365n31,
394n23
Ente Italiana agricolo Albania (eiaa,
Italy), 374
environmentalists, opposition to “new
imperialism” (Mann), 226
epistemology, xi, xiv, 62, 91, 192, 400,
490
Equatorial Guinea: China, relations with,
301
Eritrea: as Italian colony, 107, 139, 368,
371– 72
Erzberger, Matthias, 176
Espinas, Alfred, 68
Estland (Estonia), 80
Etherington, Norman, 105n16
Ethiopia: “ethnic zoning” in, 368– 69, 381,
383; as Italian colony, 154, 156, 366– 95;
Italian defeat in (Adwa), 107, 130
ethnographic discourse, 13, 31, 39, 45, 128,
131, 206, 469, 471, 484–5; in Britain, 341,
380, 466, 468, 470, 473, 476, 481, 483; in
France, 18, 190– 96, 206, 208n6, 327–28,
470; in Germany, ix, 175, 177, 183–84,
186n8, 468; Italy, 13, 112, 127, 132–35, 139,
142, 151, 154, 380, 382, 387, 389, 390; in
Russia, 57, 63– 65, 68, 70, 73, 80n4;
written by “the colonized,” 493– 95
Ethnological Survey of the Philippines
(United States), 98
ethnology, xivn2, 26, 46n2, 83–84, 97– 98,
188, 195– 96, 199, 204–5
ethno-sociologists, 26, 29–32
eugenics movement: in Italy, 115–16, 124–25,
134; Eugenics Education Society, 162n9;
International Congress of Eugenics, 116,
145
Eu ropean Commission, 50n34
Eu ropean Union (eu), 297, 452; as bloc
with Russia, 316–18; as form of empire,
50n34; in “Mideast Quartet,” 445, 454; in
“the Quad,” 225–26
Evans-Pritchard, E. E., 183
L’evolution de la morale et sociologie après
l’ethnographie (Letourneau), 142
evolutionism, social. See social
evolutionism
Evolution of Educational hought (Durkheim), 209n14
“excentric” theories of colonialism, 2, 38,
400, 467– 68
Exposition universelle (Paris), 145
Facing Mount Kenya: he Tribal Life of the
Gikuyu (Kenyatta), 493– 95
“faith-based analysis” (United States),
232
Falkland Islands: as British colony, 236–37
Fang people (Gabon), 36–37
Fanno, Marco, 123
Fanon, Frantz, 32, 399, 401
Farsakh, Leila, 439–40
Index · 589
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fascism, 297n14, 392n15, 412; and colonial
urbanism, 368, 371; in Germany, 297n14;
Italian Empire and, 109, 155, 297n14,
372– 76; in Japan, 297n14, 410
Fauconnet, Paul, 207n2
Federici, Nora, 116
Feith, Douglas, 232, 234
feminists, opposition to “new imperialism”
(Mann), 226
Ferdinand, Archduke (Franz), 318
Ferguson, Niall, 282, 284–85
Ferrari, Celso, 164n21
Ferrero, M. Guglielmo, 111, 113–14, 120, 130,
137, 141–42
Ferri, Enrico, 111, 113–14, 133, 137, 149, 161n6,
161n8, 164n24; Criminal Sociology, 144
Fiamingo, Giuseppe, 133
Field house, D. K. (David), 298n14
“ields” (Bourdieu), xvn10, 4, 6, 40, 449
“Filipinization” policies (American
Philippines), 479, 481–82
i nance capital, 218–20, 227, 230, 235
Finland, 298n14
First World War. See World War I
Florence, University of, 116, 160n1, 162n11,
163n16, 164n22
Forbes, Cameron, 478–80
Fortunatov, Aleksei, 76
Foucault, Michel, 39, 326, 370, 464n4; on
“biopower,” 446, 455; on “governmentality,” 363n17
France: absolutist monarchy in, 283;
anthropology in, 326–27; anticolonialism in, 292; anti-terrorism laws in, 257;
China, relations with, 325, 334; Code de
la nationalité (France), 331; Commission
for the Abolition of Slavery, 239–30;
“dangerous classes” in, 324– 25;
immigration in, 337; internal colonization in, 321; nation-state concept in
(Brubaker), 337–38; “racial science” in
327; republicanism in, 190, 195, 199–200,
206, 288, 336, 338, 416, 420–23, 427;
social evolutionism in, 142, 190– 91,
203– 6, 209n14, 326, 331, 334; socialism
in, 197– 98, 208n7, 208n11, 219; sociology
in 2, 6, 18, 36–37, 47n10, 188–209; state
formation in, 284–86, 297n9, 297n11;
WWI, repatriation of French nationals
for, 416, 428, 431. See also FrancoPrussian War; French-Algerian War;
French Empire; French Revolution
Franco-Prussian War, 170, 191, 292, 325
Frankfurt University, 29
Frazer, James George, Sir: he Golden
Bough, 209n15
Frazier, E. Franklin, ix, xivn2
“free labor,” as problem (Germany),
168– 70, 171– 73
free trade, 22–23, 36, 146, 169, 214, 224–27,
234–35, 314, 316, 344, 445, 450–51,
471– 72. See also “free trade imperialism”;
“Imperialism of Free Trade” (Gallagher
and Robinson); North American Free
Trade Agreement (nafta); Free Trade
Area of the Americas
Free Trade Area of the Americas, 227
“free trade imperialism,” 224, 314, 316–17,
400
Frederick the Great, King (Prussia), 168
Freiburg, University of, 173
French-Algerian War, 191
French Anthropological Society, 327
French Colonial Congress, 18
French Empire, 18, 85, 167, 188–209, 281,
302, 306, 316;
French Empire, features: assimilation in,
50n37, 196–201, 206, 290– 91, 323–24,
334–37, 414n10, 419–20, 426–27, 433 (see
also mission civilisatrice); “association” in
14, 324, 413n7, 413n10; “citizens” vs
“subjects,” 330–35; Code de l’indigénat
(indigenous penal code), 330; Codes
Noirs (black codes), 332; Colonial Oice,
48n19; “colonial science” in 328–29;
colonial state formation in, 415–35;
decline of, 281–82, 322; demographic,
326; École coloniale, 328; ethnographic
discourse in, 18, 190– 96, 206, 208n6,
327–28, 470; indigenous elites, role of,
415, 421, 422, 433; law in, 329, 331, 335–37,
339n4; Ministère des colonies, 324;
mission civilisatrice in, 199–201, 285, 288,
338, 416; native policy in, 414n10, 415–35;
race in, 327–28, 334–38; “Second
Empire,” 323–24, 418; settlement in,
590 · Index
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325–26; sexual relations in, 326, 434n4;
slavery in, 323, 329–30, 332, 336;
sovereignty in, 321–24, 331; violence in,
194, 198– 99
French Empire, parts: Algeria, 13–14, 32, 37,
65, 191, 194, 208n6, 321–39; Annam, 324;
Cameroon, 324; Cochin China, 421;
Commores Islands, 322; Congo, 36–37;
French Austral and Antarctic Territories, 322; French India, 333 (see also
Pondicherry); French Polynesia, 322;
Guadeloupe, 322, 333, 418; Guyana, 333,
418; Indochina, 324, 334, 416, 420–21;
Laos, 324; Lebanon, 324, 415; Madagascar, 329; Martinique, 333, 418; Mauritius
(Ile de France), 323; Morocco, 197– 98,
208n11, 324, 338n2, 339n3; New
Caledonia, 30, 322, 325–327, 330; North
Africa, 38, 324; Overseas Departments
(Départments d’Outre- mer), 322;
“overseas territories” (territoires
d’outre- mer), 322, 418; Pondicherry,
415–35; Réunion (Bourbon Island), 323,
333, 418; Saint-Pierre and Miquelon, 322;
Senegal, 323, 333, 335, 418; Syria, 324, 415;
Tonkin, 324; Tunisia, 324, 338n2, 339n3;
Vietnam, 415–35; Wallis and Futuna
Islands, 322
French Historical Studies (journal, United
States), 47n11
French Institute of Black Africa (ifan),
46n5
French Orga nization for Colonial Scientiic
Research (orsc), 46n5
French Revolution, 80n1, 191, 199, 285, 288,
293, 331–32, 418
Freyre, Gilberto, 31, 45
From Tribe to Empire (Moret and Davy), 29
Frum, David, 239; “axis of evil,” 233
futurism (Italian), 110
G-20 countries, 226
Gabon: China, relations with, 301; Fang
people in, 36–37; as French colony, 36
Gallagher, John (with Robinson):
“Imperialism of Free Trade,” 214, 313, 315,
400
Gall, Franz Joseph, 141
Gamborov, Iurii, 68
Gandhian popu lism (Gandhism), 102, 401,
412
Gandhi, Mahatma (Mohandas Karamchand), 102, 357–59, 413n2, 493
Ganguli, B. N., 343
Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 130
Garofalo, Rafele, 116, 135, 137, 139–40, 162n9
Garroutte, Eva Marie, xv n8
Gascony (France), 285
Geddes, Patrick, 18
Gellner, Ernst: Nations and Nationalism,
280–81
gender economics, 76
gender: empire and, 38, 495– 96
General Agreement on Tarif s and Trade
(gatt), 224, 226
“genetic” sociology (Kovalevsky), 64, 67
Geneva Accord (Israeli-Palestinian
conl ict), 459
Genus (journal, Italy), 161
Geography (Kant), 394n23
geopolitics: colonialism’s/imperialism’s
relation to, 23–24
Gerasimov, Ilya, 490
German Colonial Congress, 175
German Empire, 18, 26, 50n38, 167– 68, 185,
281, 377; features: assimilation, 35, 184;
ethnographic discourse, ix, 175, 177,
183–84, 186n8, 468
German Empire, parts: East Africa, 176;
Cameroon, 186n10; Namibia, 186n10;
Southwest Africa, 176; Tanzania, 175,
186n10; Togo, 175– 77, 186n10
German Sociolog ical Association, 46n7
German Sociolog ical Congress, 181
German political parties: Catholic Center
Party, 176; National Social Party, 172;
National Socialist Party, 185; Social
Democratic Party, 8, 169, 172
Germany: Colonial Oice in, 48, 177; defeat
in World War I, 166– 67, 182, 185;
emigration from, 169; fascism in, 297n14;
“free labor,” problem of, 168– 73; German
Employment Law (1869), 169; “internal
colonization” in 168, 170– 73, 176– 77, 183,
185; internal migration within, 169, 171;
national economists, 167– 68, 175– 76;
Index · 591
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Germany (continued)
nation-state concept (Brubaker), 337–38,
339n6; Poles, treatment of, 167– 68,
171– 74, 178–81, 185; social democracy in,
8, 169– 70, 173, 178, 408; social evolutionism in, 183; socialism in, 169; sociology
in, x, xivn4, 2, 4, 6–8, 18, 23–26, 28, 86,
166–87; on race, 171–82, 185; state
formation, 42, 284, 286. See also German
Empire; Nazi Germany; Verein für
Sozialpolitik (Social Policy Association);
Weimar Republic
Germany, Prussia, 42, 178, 286; political
igures: Frederick the Great, King, 168;
vom Steim, Karl, Baron, 168; Wilhelm,
Friedrich, III, 168; Prussian reform
movement, 168; Prussian Settlement
Commission, 170– 72, 179, 183
Geronimo (United States), 84
Gerth, Hans: Character and Social Structure
(with Mills), xii, 33
Giddens, Anthony, 490
Giddings, Franklin, 18, 84–86, 90, 92,
96–101, 103, 105n8; Democracy and
Empire, 100–101; “democratic empire,”
101, 103; Elements of Sociology, 11; Scientiic
Study of Human Society, 103
Gikuyu Central Association (British
Kenya), 493
Gikuyu people (British Kenya), 493– 95
Gilani, Yousuf Raza, 271
Gillen, Francis James, 194
Gini, Corrado, 27, 44, 107–8, 111, 113–15, 117,
135, 150–57, 159, 162nn9–10, 164nn21–22,
164n26, 165nn30–32; Prime linee di
patologia economica, 165n32; “social
metabolism,” 153
Ginsberg, M., 13
globalization, 294, 450, 453–4, 497;
economic, 245, 239, 249, 251–52; theories
of, 250–52, 491
Gluckman, Max, 29
Go, Julian, 39–40, 45, 449
Goh, Daniel, 45, 492
Gokhale, G. K., 342, 345, 362n12
he Golden Bough (Frazer), 209n15
Goudsblom, J., 8
“governmentality” (Foucault), 363n17
governors, colonial, 466– 67, 481, 485
Gowda, Chandan, 492
Gramsci, Antonio, 113, 161n6, 163n14, 216
“Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere,”
213, 411. See also Japa nese Empire
“Great Japa nese Empire,” 413n4
“Great Power” wars, 316–17
Great War. See World War I
Grimmer-Solem, Erik, 177
Großräum/Großräume (Schmitt), 33–34,
185, 379. See also nomos/nomoi
Groppali, Alessandro, 113
Guadeloupe: as French colony, 322, 333, 418
Guam: as U.S. colony, 95
Guantanamo Bay (detention camp), 452
Guillemard, Laurence, 479, 482
Guinea: as French colony, 85
Gulf War, 436, 448
Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 4, 9, 12, 15–17, 44–45,
63, 94, 113, 134, 155
“gunboat diplomacy,” 402
Guru, Narayana, 358
Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Encarnación, 491
Guyana: as French colony, 322, 333, 418
Habermas, Jürgen, 167, 185–86; on
“communicative action,” 183–84; on
“lifeworld,” 184
Habsburg Empire, 42, 63, 288, 291, 293– 94.
See also Austro-Hungarian Empire
Haeckel, Ernst, 141
Haiphong (French Vietnam), 415, 420, 430
Halbwachs, Maurice, 207n2
Halliburton (U.S. corporation), 240
Hamas, 454
Hamburg (Germany), 177
Han, Suk-Jun, xiiin1
Hanoi (French Vietnam), 415, 420, 427–28,
430
Harding, Sandra, 491
Harding, Warren, 480–81
Hardt, Michael: “deterritorialization”
(with Negri), 449–51; Empire (with
Negri), x, 250, 436, 491
Harper, Samuel, 81
Harris, John H., 182
Harris Foundation (United States), 151
Harrison, Francis, 479
592 · Index
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Harvard University, 28, 48n16, 117
Harvey, David, 491; “time-space compression” 457
Hastings, Warren, 364n22
Haushofer, Karl, 34
Hawaii: U.S. annexation of, 85, 95– 99, 214
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (hipc)
Initiative, 225
Hebrew society, ancient, 87
Hebrew University, 8
Hegel, G. W. F. (Georg), 17
Hegelianism: in Italy, 161n6; in Russia, 56
hegemony: as form of empire: 216–17;
stages of, 315–18
Heidelberg, University of, 50n36
Heilbron, J., 8
Henry VIII (King, England), 283
Herder, J. G. (Johann Gottfried), 39, 44,
200
Hermassi, Elbaki, 38
Herskovits, Melville, 31, 38, 45
Hertz, Robert, 207n2
Hezbollah, 229
Hilferding, Rudolf, 10
Hinduism, 180, 348–49, 355–56, 364n24,
365n33, 416–19, 422–27, 432, 435n7
Hintze, Otto, 10, 23–24, 43
Hirobumi, Itō, 403, 468
Histoire de la civilization en Angleterre
(Buckle), 147
historical sociology, x, xi, 2–3, 12, 24, 36, 42,
44, 48n19,104n4, 465, 468, 491
History and heory (journal, United States),
47
History of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course
(C.P.S.U.), 80
Hitler, Adolf, 231, 235
Hobbes, homas, 55, 81n6
Hobhouse, Leonard, 13, 23, 45
Hobsbawm, Eric, 47n11, 298n19
Hobson, J. A., 4, 10, 13, 18, 41, 44, 100,
105n16, 125, 136, 220, 290– 93; Imperialism,
22, 24
Hollander, Jacob, 96
Holy Roman Empire, 283, 288, 292,
296nn4–5
Homer: Odyssey, 183
Hong Kong, 481
Horkheimer, Max, 183
Horowitz, Donald, 428
Horsman, Reginald, 287
Hrushevsky, Mykhailo, 70
Hubert, Henri, 207n2
Huerta, Victoriano, 149–50
Hull, Cordell, 215
human geography, 46n2
“humanitarian interventionism” (Mann),
228 , 231, 234
L’humanité (newspaper, France) 208n7
human rights, 231, 265, 269. See also United
Nations
human sciences. See social sciences
Human Terrain Project (United States/
Afghan istan), xiii
Husband, W. W., 81n6
Hussein, Sadam, 215, 228, 230, 236–38, 242
hybridity, 29–31, 197, 493. See also
métissage; mimicry; syncretism;
transculturation
“Idea for a Universal History with a
Cosmopolitan Intent” (Kant), 167, 185
“ideal types” (Weber), 166
Igorots (Philippines), 84, 100
Imagined Communities (Anderson), 280–81
Imperialismo artistico (Morasso), 120
Imperialismo Italiano (Michels), 120
“imperial formation” (Stoler), 449
imperialism, 22–23, 28–29, 184–85;
dei nition of, 9–10; economic imperialism, 215–27, 230, 243–44, 249, 251–52;
“free trade imperialism,” 224, 314, 316;
“informal imperialism,” 43; “social
imperialism,” 45
“imperial nationalism,” 282, 286– 90
“Imperialism of Free Trade” (Gallagher and
Robinson), 214, 313, 315–16, 400
“imperialism of the weak” (Kim): Japa nese
Empire as, 396
“imperial overreach,”44, 313–14
Import Substitution Industrialization (isi),
217, 222
Incan Empire, 147
Incoherent Empire (Mann), 42–43, 229
incommensurability,” cultural, 39
Index · 593
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Inden, Ronald, 348
India: “1857 Mutiny,” 470; anticolonial
nationalism in, 26, 102, 401, 412, 413n2;
as British colony, 14, 43, 65, 340– 65, 406,
469– 70, 492–3, 496; caste in, 355–56,
364n24, 365n33; economic rise of, 227;
as French colony, 333, 415–35; gender,
355–56; Japan, relations with, 349–50,
364n26; Mysore, 340– 65; social
evolutionism in, 350–53;sociology in, 9,
20; swadeshi movement in, 362
Indiana University, 89, 96
Indian Oice (Britain), 64
indigenous peoples (general), opposition to
“new imperialism” (Mann), 226
indirect empire, 214. See also “indirect rule”
“indirect rule,” 12, 14, 38, 322, 341, 400,
467– 68, 470, 472
Indology, 348
“informal empire,” xivn4, 33, 43, 214,
228–43
Inglis, Amirah: “Not a White Woman Safe,”
496
Institut d’ethnologie (France), 208n9
Institute of Red Professorship (Soviet
Union), 79
Institut international de sociologie, 117, 123,
135, 139, 144–45, 156
“internal colonization,” 168, 170– 73, 176– 77,
183, 185, 285, 321
International Association for Promotion of
Science, Art, and Education, 68
International Colonial Institute (Brussels),
328
International Congress of Arts and Science,
178– 79
International Congress of Eugenics, 116, 145
International Congress of Sociology, 155
International Monetary Fund (imf),
219–23, 303, 306– 09, 312
International Sociolog ical Association, 156
Intimate Enemy (Nandy), 496
In Tripolitania (Alongi), 132
Introduction to the Science of Sociology (Park
and Burgess), 11, 145
Iraq: U.S. invasion/occupation of
(post- 9/11), 47n13, 183–85, 229–31, 233,
236–43, 250, 451–52. See also Gulf War
Ireland: relation to Britain, 283–85, 287,
296n2
“iron cage” (Parsons), 181
Iroquois (Canada), 194
Islam, 41–42, 70, 180, 333, 335, 355, 364n24
Ismail, Mirza (Dewan), 349, 352, 356, 362n9
Israel (State of): as “colonial settler state”
(Clarno), 437–49, 453; creation of, 438;
neoliberal restructuring in, 443, 445;
Palestinians, relations with (see
Palestine/Israel); U.S. relations with,
215, 229, 234, 454
Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on
the West Bank and Gaza Strip, 459
Istituto coloniale Italiano, 136
Istituto nazionale di cultura fascita, 117,
395n31
Istituto nazionale di statistica (istat), 117,
155–56
Istituto superiore di studi commerciali e
coloniali, 136
Istituto superiore di studi commerciali,
coloniali ed attuariali, 122
Italia barbara contemporanea (Niceforo), 145
Italia e Libia. Considerazioni politiche
(Mosca), 127
Italian Academy of Sciences, 395n31
Italiani del nord e Italiani del sud (Niceforo),
145
Italian Society of Eugenics, 124–25
Italian Society of Sociology, 107, 117
Italy: “barbarous” regions, 138–39, 145,
158–59; defeat in World War II, 109;
emigration from, 109, 163n17, 164n20;
eugenics movement in, 115–16, 124–25,
134; as “good” colonizer, 391n2; Italian
Society of Eugenics, 124–25; Oice of
Colonial Urbanism, 368, 382; Racial
Oice, 395n31; “scientiic racism” in,
380–83, 389, 395n31; social evolutionism
in, 113, 127, 131, 133, 135, 140–44, 151, 161n6,
165n29; socialism in, 111, 114, 116, 121–26,
130, 146, 159, 161n6, 164n19, 164n24, 366;
state formation, 284, 286, 291. See also
fascism; Italian Empire; Roman Empire
Italy, political parties: Christian Party, 157;
Communist Party, 157, 161n6; National
Fascist Party (Partito nazionale fascista
594 · Index
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[pnf]), 374 (see also fascism); Socialist
Party, 122, 132
Italy, Rome, 134; as showcase of fascist
urbanism, 371
Italy, sociology in, xivn4, 2, 47n10 106–8,
111–12; anthropology and, 143; criminology and, 139–46, “Catholic” sociology,
165n34; demography and, 115–16, 154;
ethnography and, 128–129, 139, 151, 154;
Fascist regime and, 115–17, 138, 148–49,
154–57, 160; Comtean inluence, 112, 116;
German Idealism inluence, 161n6;
Marx’s inluence, 112; on race, 146–48,
152, 154, 163n18 (see also Italy: social
evolutionism); statistics in, 113–14, 117
Italian Empire, 108
Italian Empire, features: assimilation in ,
373– 75, 382, 390, 392; citizenship in,
393n19; colonial states, varieties of, 376,
81; colonial urbanism in, 366– 95;
“demographic colonization” in 373,
392n11; economic cost of, 370, 384;
“ethnic zoning” in, 368– 69, 381, 383;
ethnographic discourse in, 13, 112, 127,
132–35, 139, 142, 151, 154, 380, 382, 387, 389,
390;“external decolonization,” 109;
fascism in, 109, 155, 297n14, 372– 76; as
“Imperial Community,” 372, 379–80;
indigenous elites, role of, 375;
“paternalist-assimilationist colonialism”
(Pula) in, 373, 375, 381– 90; “racial
colonialism” (Pula) in, 375, 381– 90;
settlement in, 374, 382–83, 389, 395n29;
sexual relations, 281, 384; sovereignty,
373, 376, 380, 389
Italian Empire, parts: Albania, 107, 154,
366– 95; Dodecanese Islands, 107;
Eritrea, 107, 139, 368, 371– 72; Ethiopia,
107, 130, 154, 156, 160n2, 366– 95; Italian
East Africa, 368, 372, 380; Libya, 107,
121–22, 127, 131–32, 139, 154, 368, 371– 72,
380; Somalia, 122, 157, 372
Iuzhakov, Sergei, 61– 62, 80n3
Ivory Coast: as French colony, 85
Iyer, Sashadri (Dewan), 342, 349
Jacomoni, Francesco, 382, 395n27
Jafe, Amy, 240
Jahrbuch für Soziologie (journal, Germany),
22
Jainism, 355
James Baker Institute, 240
James I (King, England), 283, 296n6
James VI (King, England), 296n6
Japan, 318; Asianism in, 403–5; China,
relations with, 215; fascism in, 297n14,
410; India, relations with, 349–50,
364n26; liberalism in, 404; Pearl Harbor,
bombing of, 235; in “the Quad,” 225–26;
sociology in, 9; Taishō period, 404. See
also Russo-Japanese War; Sino-Japanese
War
Japa nese Empire, 48n19, 85, 213, 215, 241–42,
396–414
Japa nese Empire, features: assimilation,
404– 6, 409–12, 413n7, 414n9; “derivative
colonialism” of (Chae), 402–4; race in,
404– 6; “triadic colonialism” of (Chae),
396–414. See also “Greater East Asia
Co-Prosperity Sphere”
Japa nese Empire, Korea, as colony, 402–5,
408–13, 492; Asianism in, 410–12;
Christianity in, 409; colonial state in,
406, 407; indigenous elites, role of,
408–12; ethnic nationalism in, 410–12;
Imperial Constitution in, 405; legal
status in , 405; liberalism in , 408–10;
Marxism in, 410; “native question” in,
406– 7; socialism in, 410–12; United
States, idealization of, 409
Jeferson, homas, 343
Jenks, Albert E., 96– 99
Jerusalem, 284
jingoism, 22; in U.S., 95, 99
Johns Hopkins University (United States),
96
Johnson, Chalmers, 217; on “blowback,” 15,
44
Jones, William, 364n22
Journey of My Brother Alexey to the Land of
Peasant Utopia (Chaianov), 77
Kabyle (Algeria), 87, 194, 326, 335
Kagan, Donald, 231, 233
Kai, Nguyen Phu, 422, 429
Kaisserreich (terminology), 50n38
Index · 595
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Kanak people (New Caledonia), 322,
325–27
Kansas, University of, xvn8
Kant, Immanuel, 21, 185; Geography,
394n23; “Idea for a Universal History
with a Cosmopolitan Intent,” 167, 185
Kappeler, Andreas, 293– 94
Kareev, Nikolai, 63, 73
Karimov, Islam, 241
Kedourie, Elie: Nationalism, 298n18
Keller, Albert, ix, 93
Kelsey, Carl, 97
Kennedy, Paul, 44
Kenya: as British colony, 493– 95; Mau Mau
uprising in, 50n36
Kenyatta, Jomo: Facing Mount Kenya: he
Tribal Life of the Gikuyu, 493– 95
Kerensky, Alexander, 72
Keynesianism (economic policies), 217, 219,
451, 458
Khaldun, Ibn, 26, 44
Kharuzin, Mikhail, 80
Khonda people (also Khonds; India), 89
Kidd, Benjamin, 87
Kim, Dong No: “imperialism of the weak”
(Japa nese Empire), 396
King, Anthony D., 369– 70
King, Irving, 92
Kistiakovsky, Bogdan, 71
Klein, G.: he Moon, 82n17
Knapp, Georg Friedrich, 169–176
Kohli, Atul: ideal-types of colonial states,
467– 71
Kojève, Alexandre, 33
Komi people (Russia), 73
König, René, 7
Korea (Japa nese colony), 402–5, 408–13,
492; Asianism in, 410–12; Christianity
in, 409; colonial state in, 406, 407, 467;
ethnic nationalism, 410–12; Imperial
Constitution and, 405; indigenous elites,
role of, 408–12; legal status in, 405;
liberalism in, 408–10; “native question”
in, 406– 7; socialism in, 408–12; United
States, idealization of, 409
Korea (North), 229, 231, 242
Korea (South), 223
Great Korean Empire, 48, 413n4
Korean War, 215, 217
Kosovo, 184
Kovalevsky, Maksim, 20, 64– 68, 70, 74,
82n12
Kovel, Joel 439
Kowashi, Inoue, 403
Kracauer, Siegfried, 7
Kristol, Irving, 232–33
Kroeber, Alfred, 154
kulla (architectural structure; Albania),
387, 388 ig. 13.2, 395n31
Kulturkreislehre, 39
Kuomintang, 475, 483, 492
Kwakiutl (Canada), 83
Labriola, Antonio, 161n6, 164n19
Laitin, David, ix, xiiin1
Lalande de Calan (governor, French
Pondicherry), 425
Lamarckism, 144, 336
Lamine- Gueye law (French Empire), 331,
339n4
land, sociolog ical signiicance of, 37,
494– 95
Landra, Guido, 395n31
Landshut, Siegfried, 8
Languedoc (France), 285
Laos: as French colony, 85, 324
Lapouge, Georges Vacher de, 135; Selections
humaines, 148
La Sapienza (university, Rome) 117, 160n1
Latin America (region): American
imperialism in, 33, 40, 496, British
imperialism in, 496. See also individual
countries
Lausanne, University of, 145, 164n26
Lavrov, Petr, 59
law: administrative, 253; empire’s relation
to, 245– 78, 329, 331, 335–37, 470; global
security, 235– 75, 379, 497 (see also “war
on terror”); international, 253–54, 379
League of Nations, 103, 324, 379–80. See
also Mandate system
Lebanon: as French colony, 324, 415;
United States’ relations with, 229, 242
Le Corbusier, 366, 369
Leenhardt, Maurice, 4, 30, 38, 45
Lefebvre, Henri, 437–38, 447–48, 461
596 · Index
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Lefèvre, Kim, 434n4
Leiris, Michel, 44, 192; Afrique fantôme, 31
“leisure class” theory (Veblen), 113
Lenin, Vladimir (V. I.), 10, 58, 69, 100,
105n16, 220, 297n14, 309
Lesotho, 457
Letourneau, Charles: L’evolution de la morale
et sociologie après l’ethnographie, 142
Levasseur, E. (Emile), 135
Levine, Donald, 161n5
Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 30; bricolage, 32; Race
and History, 191, 205; Triste tropiques, 30
Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien, 208n9
liberalism, 56, 401; in British Empire, 281,
400; in Eu rope (general), 102; in France,
321, 332; in Germany, 8, 182; in Italy, 122;
in Japan, 403–4; in Japa nese Korea,
408–10; in Russia, 56; in United States,
229
Liberation of the Serfs (Schmoller), 170
Liberia, 184
Libya: as Italian colony, 107, 121, 127, 131–32,
139, 154
“lifeworld” (Habermas), 184
Liliuokalani, Queen (Hawaii), 85
List, Friedrich: India, reception in, 343–36,
363n15; National System of Political
Economy, 169, 344;
“Little Englanders” (Britain), 291– 92,
297n15
Locke, John, 363n20
logocentrism, 183
Lombroso, Cesare, 107, 113–4, 120–21, 130,
139–46, 149, 161n8; L’uomo delinquente,
140, 158
London, City of, 219–20
London, University of, 137
London School of Economics (lse), 6
Lorenzoni, Giovanni, 111, 113
Loria, Achille, 10, 111, 113, 122–25, 132–37,
161n6, 162n9, 162n11, 163n15; Economia
politica, 123
La lotta per l’esistenza (Vaccaro), 131
Louisiana Purchase (United States), 84,
472
Louvre, 207
Lubbock, John: Prehistoric Times and the
Origins of Civilization, 147
Luchitskii, Ivan, 70
Ludden, David, 341
Lugard, Frederick (Lord), 468
Luogoteneza (Albania), 385–87
Luxemburg, Rosa, 10
Luzzatto, Gino, 136
Macaulay, Lord (homas Babington), 281
MacClintock, Samuel, 98
Machiavelli, Niccolò, 112–13, 129, 161n5
Madagascar: as French colony, 85, 107
Madaro, Francisco, 149
Mai a (Italy), 132
Mahan, Admiral (Alfred h ayer), 313
Maharishi, Ramana, 358, 364n23
Mahdism: in Sudan, 401
Maine, Henry Sumner, 20, 64– 65; Ancient
Law and Village Communities in the East
and West, 352, 365n29
Malaya (British): 465–88, 473 map 1;
Chinese resistance in, 475, 478–84;
conservative-technocrat conl ict in,
474–80; protectionism in, 471– 74
Malaysia: as British colony, 92
Maldives: as British colony, 236–37
Malinowski, Bronislaw, 154, 493
Mamdani, Mahmood, 38, 43, 470
Manchester School (political economy),
169, 175
Mandate system, 18
Mandela, Nelson, 456
Mann, Michael, xvn9, 5, 15–16, 35, 40–45,
50nn39–40, 298n17, 496– 97; “empires of
domination,” 41–43, 48n17; Incoherent
Empire, 42–43, 229; Sources of Social
Power, 40–44; “territorial empires,”
41–43
Mannheim, Karl, 7
Mannoni, Octave, 32
Manor, James, 341
Mantegazza, Paolo, 160n1
maquiladoras, 495
Marcuse, Herbert, 15
Marro, Antonio, 162n9
Marshall, Alfred, 7
Martello, Tullio, 164n26
Martinique: as French colony, 322, 333, 418
Marx, Anthony, 282
Index · 597
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Marx, Karl, 14–15, 22, 41, 44, 49n24, 309,
350, 365n29; Capital, 14; critiques of, 22,
28, 166, 493; status as sociologist, 49n21;
heses on Feuerbach, 56–57
Marxist approaches, 10, 15, 24, 27, 33, 35–38,
76, 298n14; critiques of, 28, 37–38; in
Italy, 125, 161n6, 164n24; in Japa nese
Korea, 410; in Russia, 57–58, 69, 72; in
Soviet Union, 79–80. See also Lenin,
Vladimir
Marzolo, Paolo, 141
masculinity: empire and, 496
Massad, Joseph, 454
Matabeleland (Zimbabwe), 85
Matteucci, Ugo, 162n11
Mau Mau uprising (British Kenya), 50n36
Maunier, René, ix, xivn2, 4, 32–33, 44–45;
colonistics, 31; Sociology of Colonies, 32
Maurenbrecher, Max, 92
Mauss, Marcel, 29, 31, 38, 68, 188–209
Maxwell, William, 476
Mazzarella, Giuseppe, 136–37
Mazzini, Giuseppe, 289
McKenzie, Fayette Avery, xvn8
McKinley, William: “benevolent assimilation,” 472
Mearsheimer, John, 454
“mechanical solidarity” (Durkheim), 194
Mechnikov, Ilya, 68
medievalism, discourse of, 474
Medvedev, Dmitri, 264– 65
Meiji Constitution, 402
Meiji Restoration, 403
Melanesia, 30
Memmi, Albert, ix, 5, 32–33
mercantilism, 23, 362n10. See also
neo-mercantilism
merchant capitalism, 39
A Merchant Prince: A Study of Italian
Colonial Expansion (Einaudi), 163n17
Mercier, Paul, 5, 37
Merton, Robert K., 155, 165n32
methodological nationalism, x, xivn3, 160,
189, 195
métissage, 31. See also hybridity; mimicry;
syncretism; transculturation
metropole: impact of colonialism on, 13–14,
22–23, 44, 100, 198
“metropole apparatus” (Connell), 497
Mexican Empire, 147
Mexico: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as
Spanish colony, 154, 302, 307; U.S.
relations with, 149–50
Miceli, Vincenzo, 135, 137
Michels, Robert, ix, 23, 114, 122, 124,
133, 146, 150, 159, 162n9, 163nn16–17,
164n22; Le colonie Italiane in Isvizzera
durante la guerra, 125; “demographic
imperialism,” 125–26; Imperialismo
Italiano, 120; Political Parties, 125
Michigan, University of, x, 46n6, 47n11,
88, 96
“Mideast Quartet” (United States,
Eu ropean Union, Russia, United
Nations), 445, 454
Milan, as city-state, 283
military (general): empire and, xvn9,
214–15, 217, 228–44, 497; sociology and,
xiii, xvin13
Mill, John Stuart, 13, 281, 342, 346; On
Liberty, 363n16
Mills, C. Wright: on American imperialism,
xi, 33; Character and Social Structure
(with Gerth), xii, 33; on “crackpot
realism,” xii–xiii; on intellectuals’ and
their role, xii; on positivism, xii; on
“power elite,” xii; Sociolog ical Imagination, xii
Mikhailovsky, N. K. (Nikolai), 58–59
he Mimic Men (Naipaul), 295
mimicry, 29, 32. See also hybridity;
métissage; syncretism; transculturation
Mind and Society (Pareto), 148
Mindanao (Philippines), 481
Miner, Horace, xvn7, 46n6
Minerva Project, xiii, xvin13
Minnesota, University of, 85, 96– 97, 117
missionaries, 176, 193, 495– 96
“missionary nationalism,” 287. See also
“imperial nationalism”
mission civilisatrice (France, French
Empire), 199–201, 285, 288, 338, 416
Mitchell, Charles, 477
Mitchell, Clyde, ix, xivn2
Mitchell, Timothy: Colonizing Egypt, 39
598 · Index
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modernities: theories of alternate or
multiple, 2, 39, 401, 410, 413n3
modernity: Eu ropean discourse of, 17, 21,
24, 44, 55– 60, 71, 135, 183–84, 193–194,
202, 204, 249, 350–51, 357, 364n27, 370,
389– 90, 400–401, 441, 485
modernization theories, 20–21, 35–36, 102,
104, 340, 361n8, 369
Mogilner, Marina, 490
Mommsen, Wolfgang, 289– 90
Mondaini, Gennaro, 136–37
Moneta, Ernesto Teodoro, 124
Monroe Doctrine, 34, 183
Monroe, Paul, 99
Montaigne, Michel de, 191
Montesquieu, Baron de, 55, 209n14; Persian
Letters, 191; Spirit of Laws, 204
monumentalism (architecture), 382–83
he Moon (Klein), 82n17
Moral Education (Durkheim), 198
Morasso, Mario: Imperialismo artistico, 120
Morel, B. A. (Bénédict Augstin), 141–42
Morel, E. D. (Edmund Dene), 182, 184
Morène, Jean, 429
Moret, Alexandre: From Tribe to Empire
(with Davy), 29
Morocco: as French colony, 197– 98, 208n11,
324, 338n2, 339n3; sociology in, 46n2, 47
Moro people (Philippines), 481
Morrell, Robert, 496
Morselli, Enrico, 111, 113, 135, 160n1, 162n9,
162n11
Mosca, Gaetano, 107, 112–4, 126–31, 133, 136,
146, 159– 60; critique of ethnography,
128–29; Elementi di scienza politica, 112,
129, 163n17; Italia e Libia. Considerazioni
politiche, 127
Moscow Agricultural Institute, 76
Moses, Bernard, 96
Mühlmann, Wilhelm: Umvolkung, 35
“multiple kingdoms” (Kumar), 283, 296n6
Munro, homas, 351
Mus, Paul, 4
Musée d’ethnographie du Trocadéro, 206
Musée de l’homme, 206– 7, 208n9
Musée d’Orsay, 207
Musée du quai Branly, 207
Muslim League: in Pakistan, 269
Mussolini, Benito, 117, 121, 132, 148, 150, 153,
155, 157, 372, 381, 387–88, 394n25, 395n31
Mysore (India), 340– 65 (chap. 12)
Mysore Economic Conference (mec), 342,
346, 364n26
Mysore Legislative Council (mlc), 342,
355–56
Mysore Representative Assembly (mra),
342, 345, 350, 352, 355–56
Nagel, Joanne, xvn8
Naipaul, V. S.: he Mimic Men, 295
Namibia: as German colony, 186n8, 186n10,
468
Namier, Lewis (Sir), 282
Nandy, Ashis: Intimate Enemy, 496
Naoroji, Dadabhai, 342
Naples, University of, 118, 120, 122, 160n1,
161n6, 164n19
Napoleon (Bonaparte), 9, 23, 168– 69, 317,
321, 323
Napoleon III, 10
Natal: as British colony, 496
nation-states: empire and, 17, 251–52,
279– 99, 321–22
National System of Political Economy (List),
169
Native Life in South Africa (Plaatje), 494– 95
Native Princes of India (Aitchison), 365n32
National Congress of Urbanism (Italy), 383
nationalism: empire and, 29, 279– 99;
“imperial nationalism,” 282, 286– 90;
“organic nationalism,” 289
Nationalism (Kedourie), 298n18
Nations and Nationalism (Gellner), 280–81
Native Americans, 40; ethnological
representations of, 84; internal
colonialism and, 48n19; sociolog ical
study of, xvnn7–8, 98. See also Bureau of
Indian Afairs (United States)
native policy, 18, 30, 39, 398, 400; in
American Philippines, 465–88; in British
Malaya, 465–88; in French Empire,
414n10; in French India (Pondicherry),
415–35
Native States (India), 340–41, 361n2, 365n32
nativism, 401; Gandhi and, 413n2; in
Japa nese Korea, 410–12
Index · 599
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natural sciences relation to social sciences
and sociology. See social sciences:
relation to natural sciences; sociology:
relation to natural sciences
Naumann, Friedrich, 12, 172
Nazi Germany, 8, 33–35, 46nn6– 7, 50n35,
317
Nazism, 8, 49n31, 381; as form of empire, 26,
33–35, 43, 47n13, 185; nationalism and,
289
Neapolitan società Africana d’Italia, 122
Nebraska, University of, 97, 105n8
Negri, Antonio, 491; “deterritorialization”
(with Hardt), 449–51; Empire (with
Hardt), x, 250, 436, 491
negritude, 401, 412
“Negro question,” writings on: in United
States, 31, 67, 99; in Germany, 171– 72, 175,
177–82
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 413n2
neoconservatism (United States), 231–32,
242
neo-institutionalist theory, 38
neoliberalism, 219, 221–23, 227, 229, 233, 239,
242–43, 300, 306– 9, 311, 306, 436, 440,
443, 448–49
neomercantilism: in British India, 343–36
Netanyahu, Benjamin, 455
Netherlands: sociology in, 20
Neumann, Franz, 33; Behemoth, 34
New Caledonia: as French colony, 30, 322,
325–27, 330. See also Kanak
New Delhi, 495
New Guinea: as German colony, 19, 19
ig. 1.1
“New World,” 31
“New World Order” (Bush, G. H. W.), 436,
449
New York Post (newspaper, United States), 15
Nguyen Phu Kai, 422, 429
Nice (France), 321
Niceforo, Alfredo, 111, 113–14, 133, 135, 137,
139, 145–46, 162n9, 164n22; Italia barbara
contemporanea, 145; Italiani del nord e
Italiani del sud, 145; Forza e ricchezza:
studi sulla vita i sica ed economica delle
classi sociali, 145
Nicolucci, Giustiniano, 160n1
Nicotri, Gaspare, 132
Nigeria: as British colony, 85, 467– 70;
China, relations with, 301
Nissen dōsoron (discourse, Japan), 404, 413n8
Nitobe, Inazo, 413n9
Nixon, Richard, 218
Nkrumah, Kwame, 401
“noble savage,” discourse of, 30. See also
primitivism
nomos (Bourdieu), 6
nomos/nomoi (Schmitt), 33–34, 43, 45, 378,
389, 394n25, 398n20. See also Großräum/
Großräume
Nomos of the Earth (Schmitt), x, 183
Norman Conquest (England), 284
Normandy (France), 285
North American Free Trade Agreement
(nafta), 448
North Atlantic Treaty Orga nization
(nato), 183–84, 228
Norway, 291
“Not a White Woman Safe” (Inglis), 496
Novicow, J. (Jacques), 134
Nye, Joseph: “sot power,” 216
Odum, Howard, 105n17
Odyssey (Homer), 183
Ohio State University, xvn8
oil: imperialism and, 218–20, 228, 230,
235–43, 300–318
Olivares, Count-Duke (Gaspar de
Guzmán), 280
“one-drop rule” (United States), 182
Ong, Aihwa, 452
On Liberty (Mill), 363n16
“Open Door” policy (U.S./China), 40, 471
Operation Desert Storm, 436, 448
L’opinion (newspaper, France), 429
Oppenheimer, Franz, 27–28, 45; Der Staat,
27–28
“organic nationalism,” 289
“organic solidarity” (Durkheim), 194
Orga nization for Economic Co- Operation
and Development (oecd), 226
Orga nization of Petroleum Exploring
Countries (opec), 219, 239–40
Orientalism (discourse), 39, 45, 348–50,
399; indigenous responses to, 364n23
600 · Index
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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Orientalism (Said), 39, 348
Origin and Development of Moral Ideas
(Westermarck), 88
Orwell, George: 1984, 77
Oslo process (Israeli-Palestinian conl ict),
437, 439–40, 443–45, 448, 454
Ostiaks [Khantys](Russia), 89
Otomi Indians (Mexico), 32
Ottoman Empire, 12, 18, 26, 38, 55, 107, 131,
151, 281, 294, 366, 377, 385, 387, 393n18,
396, 450
Outline of General Economics (Schmoller),
174
Paasikivi, Juho Kusti, 298n14
pacii sm, 198
Pakistan, 225; anti-terrorism laws in, 259,
265– 72; Muslim League in, 269; Taliban
in, 259, 268; terrorist attacks in, 266– 67;
United States, relations with, 268
Palermo (Italy), 132–33
Palestine/Israel (West Bank and Gaza
Strip): “Apartheid Wall,” 445; “autonomy” within, 437–39, 445, 455; “Bantustization” (West Bank) 436, 439;
enclosures within, 437, 443–46, 453– 60,
497; Geneva Accord, 459; historical
timeline of, 463– 64; Israeli-Palestinian
Interim Agreement on the West Bank
and Gaza Strip, 459; Oslo process, 437,
439–40, 443–45, 448, 454; “Roadmap for
peace,” 445, 459. See also Israel; Palestine
Liberation Orga nization; Palestinian
Authority
Palestine Liberation Orga nization (plo),
443
Palestinian Authority (pa), 444, 454,
458
Pan- German League, 172– 73
he Paper Money (Bogolepov), 82n17
Papua New Guinea: as Australian colony,
496
Paramhamsa, Ramakrisha, 357–58, 364n23
Pareto, Vilfredo, 20, 112–4, 130, 133–36,
145–50, 159– 60, 162n10, 164n26; Mind
and Society, 148; Trattato di sociologia
generale, 107, 112, 134
Paris Ethnological Institute, 31
Paris Exposition, 114
Park, Robert, 98, 104n4, 105n18, 168, 177;
Introduction to the Science of Sociology
(with Burgess), 11, 145
Parsons (U.S. corporation), 241
Parsons, Talcott, 186n1, 365n29; “iron cage,”
181; structural-functionalism, 102;
Structure of Social Action, 7
“passive colonization” (Schäle), 18–19
paternalism, cultural. See protectionism,
cultural
“paternalist-assimilationist colonialism”
(Pula): in Italian Empire, 375, 381– 90
Pavia University of, 140
Pearl, Daniel, 269
peasant studies, 76
Pellizzi, Camillo, 116–17
Pennsylvania, University of, 97
Pentagon (United States), 229, 233–34
Perak sultanate (British Malaya), 472
Perkins, Tony: Singing the Coast (with
Somerville), 494
Perle, Richard, 232–34, 236, 239
Persian Empire, 147
Persian Letters (Montesquieu), 191
Peru: relations with Britain, 215; as Spanish
colony, 302, 307
Perugia, University of, 125
Petrazycki, Leon, 74, 82nn11–12
“petro dollars,” 219–20
Petrograd Commissariat of Press,
Agitation, and Propaganda, 82n17
Petrograd University, 72, 82n12
Philippine-American War, 92, 98, 476
Philippine Commission (United States),
96, 472
Philippines: Luzon, 84, 100; Mindanao,
481; Moro people, 481
Philippines, political parties in: Democrata
Party, 483; Federal (Federalista) Party,
474, 478; Nationalist (Nacionalista)
Party, 474– 75, 478–80
Philippines, as U.S. colony, 39–40, 84–85,
95–100, 103, 214, 315, 465–88, 492;
assimilation in, 98– 99, 471– 74, 476, 479;
conservative-technocrat conl ict in,
474–80; indigenous elites, role of, 39,
467, 474–85
Index · 601
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Phoenix Program (United States/
Vietnam), 497
Piccinato, Luigi, 383
Piedmont (Italy), 286
Pierce, Henry Clay, 149
Pinochet, Augusto, 222
Pittsburgh Dispatch (newspaper, United
States), 95
Plaatje, Sol: Native Life in South Africa,
494– 95
Planned Economy for India (Visvesvaraya),
342
plantations, 171– 72, 175– 76, 495
Ploetz, Alfred, 181
Pokrovsky, Mikhail, 75, 80
Poland, 70, 291; Poles in Germany, 167– 68,
171– 74, 178–81, 185; Silesia, 167– 68
Polish Peasant in Europe and America
(homas and Znaniecki), 89, 104
Politica coloniale (Colajanni), 120
political economy: classical or “Manchester
School,” 169, 175
Political Parties (Michels), 125
political science, 8
Political Science Quarterly, 96
Pollock, Floyd Allen, xv n8
Polybius, 17, 41
populist sociology (Russia), 58– 62
Porter, Bernard, 298
Portugal, 284
Portuguese Empire, 291, 302, 306, 316;
Brazil, 31
Posen (Germany), 168, 171– 72
postcolonial studies, 3, 248, 252, 370, 380,
466
Poulantzas, Nicos, 43
Powell, Colin, 231, 234, 237
“power elite” (Mills), xii
Prehistoric Times and the Origins of
Civilization (Lubbock), 147
preservationism, cultural. See protectionism, cultural
Prezzolini, Giuseppe, 148
Prime linee di patologia economica (Gini),
165n32
Primitive Secret Societies (Webster), 88
primitivism, 30–31, 191– 97, 202– 7
he Prince and the Pauper (Twain), 82n17
Princely States (India), 340–41, 361n2,
365n32
Prince Serebriannyi (Tolstoi), 82n17
Princeton University, 96
principal-agent relations, 38, 45
Privatdozent (Germany), 118
Le progrès (newspaper, French Pondicherry), 426–27
Progressivism (Russia), 78
Project Camelot, xiii
protectionism, economic, 28, 36, 42, 146,
224, 226–27, 234–5, 344
protectionism, cultural, 196– 97, 200,
471– 74, 479– 90
Protestant Ethic (Weber), 180
Protestantism, 188, 287–88
Provence (France), 285
Prussia. See Germany, Prussia
psychoanalytic theory: colonial studies
and, 32–33
Psychologie économique (Tarde), 21
Psycho-Neurological Institute (St.
Petersburg, Russia) 70– 71, 73, 82n12
Psychophysik (Weber), 181
Puerto Rico: as U.S. colony, 39–40, 84–85,
95– 99, 103, 214, 315
Puini, Carlo, 134, 136
Pufendorf, Samuel von, 55
Pula, Besnik, 495
Putin, Vladimir, 260, 262, 263– 65
Qing China, 48n16
Qingdao (China): as Germany colony, 468.
See also Tsingtao
“the Quad” (United States, Eu ropean
Union, Japan, Canada), 225–26
Rabbeno, Ugo, 163n15
race: apartheid and, 439–40; colonialism
and, 32, 45, 415, 489, 496; in French
Algeria, 191, 326; in French Empire,
332–38, 416; in Italian Empire, 367, 375,
381, 395n31; in Japa nese Korea, 404– 6,
410; scientiic theories of, 327, 364n22,
382–83, 389, 395n31; slavery and, 171– 72;
sociolog ical writing about, 13–14, 16,
50n36, 57, 89, 91– 99, 105n18, 121, 124, 127,
139, 146, 148, 171–82, 185, 343
602 · Index
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Race and History (Lévi-Strauss), 191, 205
“racial colonialism” (Pula): in Italian
Empire, 375, 381– 90
Ranade, M. G., 342, 344–45, 352
Rangacharlu, C. (Dewan), 342, 345, 347,
350, 352, 264n25
Rassegna di science sociali e politiche, 161
Rathgen, Karl, 177
Ratzel, Friedrich, 4, 17–18, 34, 43, 45, 92;
Ratzenhofer, Gustav, 84, 94
Razze inferiori e razze superiori: Latini e
Anglosassoni (Colajanni), 121
Reagan, Ronald, 219, 228, 234
Reconstructing India (Visvesvaraya), 352–53
Reece, Ernest J., 98
Reed, William Allen, 98
relexivity, social sciences and, xi, xvn10
refugees, hostility towards, 497
Reinsch, Paul. S., 96
religion, 180–82, 185, 192– 93, 197, 282. See
also Christianity; Catholicism;
Confucianism; Hinduism; Islam;
Jainism; Protestantism; Shintoism
Renan, Ernest, 295, 297n9
renonçants (French Empire), 419, 423, 427,
435n7
republicanism, French, 190, 195, 199–200,
206, 288, 238, 416, 420–23, 427
Republican Revolution (China), 9
resistance, of colonized, 45, 466, 469– 70; in
Philippines and Malaya, 483–85
Réunion: as French colony, 322, 418
Reuter, Edward, 98
Revue international de sociologie (journal,
France), 107
Rhee, Syngman 409
Rhodes-Livingston Institute, xiv n2
Ribot, heodule, 76
Ricardo, David, 342
Ricci, Marcello, 395
Richtofen, Ferdinand von, 18
Rivet, Paul, 196, 208n9
Rivista di ilosoia scientiica, 161
Rivista di sociologia, 107, 133–34, 161n8
Rivista internazionale de sience sociali e
discipline ausiliarie, 161
Rivista Italiana di sociologia (ris),107, 111,
133–39, 150, 161n8
“Roadmap for peace” (Israeli-Palestinian
conl ict), 445, 459
Roberti, Evgenii de, 20, 68– 70, 82n12
Robinson, Ronald, 45; “he Imperialism of
Free Trade” (with Gallagher), 214, 313,
315, 400
Rockefel ler Foundation, 363n18
“rogue states” (U.S. dei nition), 228, 230, 242
Rohl s, Gerhard, 137
Romagnosi, Gian Domenico, 112–3
Roman Empire, 9–11, 15, 17, 21–28, 41–42,
44, 109, 120, 134, 137–38, 141, 147, 152,
162– 63, 214, 280, 283, 287–89, 292; as
model, 48n16, 50, 108–11, 155, 159, 163n16,
371– 72, 383–84, 390, 391n5, 394n24
Romanticism, 21, 58, 190– 92, 200, 202, 364
Rome (city, Italy), 134; as showcase of
fascist urbanism, 371
Rome, University of, 145, 160n1. See also
Sapienza (La)
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 231
Roosevelt, heodore, 139, 476
Ross, E. A. (Edward Alsworth), ix, 84, 86,
88, 97, 99–100, 105n8; Social Control, 89
Rossi, Pasquale, 113–4, 163n13
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 55; Discourse on the
Origins of Inequality, 191
“rule of colonial diference” (Chatterjee),
21, 32, 43, 48n14, 368, 370, 397– 98
Rules of Sociolog ical Method (Durkheim),
201
Rumsfeld, Donald, 229–30, 232
Rural Sociology (journal), 154
rural sociology, 132, 154, 494
Russell, Conrad, 296
Russia: anarchism in, 56; anthropology in,
70, 80n4; anti-terrorism laws in, 258– 65;
as “backward,” 20, 55–57; as bloc with
Eu ropean Union, 316–18; Bolshevik
censorship in, 72, 82n13; Chechnya, wars
with, 259; Hegelianism in, 56; Marxism
in, 56–58, 71– 72; in “Mideast Quartet,”
445, 454; terrorist attacks in, 264; United
States, relations with, 228. See also
Caucasus; Russian Empire; Russian
Revolution (1905); Russian Revolution
(1917); Russo-Japanese War; Soviet
Empire; Soviet Union
Index · 603
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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Russia, political parties: ConstitutionalDemocratic Party, 66; SocialRevolutionary Party, 72; Socialist
Revolutionary Party, 69
Russia, sociology in, 53–58; institutionalization, 58, 68– 72; populist sociology,
58– 62; “post-imperial sociology,” 75–80
Russian Empire, 16, 18, 20, 26, 60– 61, 65– 69,
71, 75– 79, 80n3, 80n4, 81n7, 281, 288, 293,
377; distinctiveness of, 53–55, 253–55;
ethnographic discourse in, 57, 63– 65, 68,
70, 73, 80n4
Russian Higher School for Social Sciences,
68, 70
Russian Revolution (1905), 63, 65, 72
Russian Revolution (1917), 78– 79, 121
Russo-Japanese War, 92, 102
“Russophobia,” 55
Sachs, Wulf, 32
Said, Edward, 45, 439; Orientalism, 39, 348
Saigon (French Vietnam), 415, 420, 429–30
Saint-Simon, Claude Henri de Rouvray
(Comte de), 325
Sakharova, Ekaterina, 76
Salandra, Antonio, 127
Salz, Arthur, 10, 29, 33, 49n28
Samara, Adel, 454
Samoa, American: 85, 95
Samoa: as German colony, 186n8, 468
Santo Domingo: as U.S. colony, 98
Sardinia (Italy): as “barbarous,” 158
Sartre, Jean-Paul, 36, 398; on “colonial
boomerang,” 15
Sassen, Sakia, 249–50; “denationalization,”
450–51
Saudi Arabia, 238–39, 242, 315
Saurrat, Albert, 416, 421, 431
Savorgnan, Franco, 113, 135, 155
Savoy (France), 321
Saxony (Germany), 174
Sayad, Abdelmalek, 37
Schäle, Albert, 16, 18
Scheltema, J. F., 92
Scheppele, Kim Lane, 497
Schmitt, Carl, 4, 43, 45, 250, 459; on
American imperialism, 33–34; Concept of
the Political, 182–83; Großräum or nomos,
33–34, 185, 379, 393n20; Nomos of the
Earth, x, 183; on sovereignty, 182–85,
378– 79, 393n21; on “state of exception,”
184–85, 446
Schmoller, Gustav, 169–177, 181, 185;
Liberation of the Serfs, 170; Outline of
General Economics, 174
Schnapper, Dominique, 337
Schoenberg, Ronald: “Long Waves of
Colonial Expansion and Contraction”
(with Bergesen), 302–3, 306
Schultz, Geroge, 241
Schumpeter, Joseph, 10, 28–29, 45
Schurman, Jacob, 96
scientiic autonomy, xvin112
“scientiic colonization” (Dernburg), 177
“scientiic humanism” (Durkheimian
school), 191
“scientiic racism.” See race, scientiic
theories of
Scotland: relation to Britain, 283–84, 287,
297n8
Scowcrot , Brent, 228
“Scramble for Africa” (nineteenth century).
See Africa: partition of; Berlin West
Africa Conference
“Scramble for Africa” (“second”), 301–3, 316
La scuola positiva (journal, Italy), 161
Section Française de l’internationale
ouvrière (sfio), 197– 98, 208n11
Security Council (United Nations). See
United Nations, Security Council
Les selections humaines (Lapouge), 148
Semyonov, Alexander, 106
Senegal: as French colony, 333, 335, 418
Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 401
Il sentimento imperialista (AmadoriVirgilij), 120
Serbia: nato bombing of, 183–84
Sergi, Guiseppe, 111, 113–14, 133–34, 137–38,
160n1, 162n9, 164n23
Sering, Max, 174, 176
settler colonialism, 11, 306, 436– 64, 494– 95
Sewell, William, Jr., 46n6, 398– 99
Sharif, Nawaz, 266– 67
Shils, Edward, 119
Shintoism, 403
Siberia (Russia), 61
604 · Index
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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Sicily (Italy): as “barbarous,” 158
La sienza sociale (journal, Italy), 161
Sièyes, Abbé, 8
Sighele, Scipio, 111, 113–14, 137, 149
Simmel, George, 7, 120, 167, 402
Simons, Sarah: “Social Assimilation” series,
91
Sino-Japanese War, 85
Skënderbeg Square (Albania), 366, 385
Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress
of the Human Mind (Condorcet), 208n4
Skocpol, heda, 48, 484
slavery, 13–14, 21, 24, 31–32, 36, 124, 135,
171– 72, 175, 196, 302, 323, 329–36
Slavophilism, 56
Small, Albion, 6, 84, 86, 88, 91– 92, 98, 101,
105n10, 105nn14–15
smallholding (Germany), 170– 71, 175– 76,
185
Smith, Adam, 169, 342, 363n20; Wealth of
Nations, 362n10
Smith, Anthony: on core “ethnies,” 286–87
Smith, Cecil, 476, 481
Smith, James, 478
Snipp, C. Matthew, xvn8
Social Control (Ross), 89
Social Darwinism. See evolutionism, social
social democracy: in Eu rope, 221; in
Germany, 8, 169– 70, 173, 178, 408; in
Russia, 81n8
social evolutionism, 14, 16, 20–21, 30, 41–42,
59, 86–88, 92, 400, 414n10; in Britain,
473; in British India, 350–53; in France,
142, 190– 91, 203– 6, 209n14, 326, 331, 334;
in Germany, 181; in Italy, 113, 127, 131, 133,
135, 140–44, 151, 161n6, 165n29; in Russia,
20, 57, 62– 70, 74–85, 79; in United States,
88– 90, 93– 94, 96, 101, 104, 112, 120
socialism: colonialism and, 310–12, 401; in
France, 197– 98, 208n7, 208n11, 219; in
Germany, 169; in Italy, 111, 114, 116,
121–26, 130, 146, 159, 161n6, 164n19,
164n24, 366; in Japa nese Korea, 408–12;
in Russia, 59– 60, 62, 79, 80n2, 81n8; in
United States, 88
Il socialismo (Colajanni), 121
“social metabolism” (Gini), 153
social sciences, as ield, xi, xvn10
Società degli agricoltori Italiani, 132
Società internazionale della pace, 124
Società Italiana di sociologia, 107, 117, 139
Société de sociologie de Paris, 145
Society of American Indians, xvn8
Society of the Lovers of Natural Sciences,
Anthropology, and Ethnography
(Russia), 80
Sociologia criminale (Colajanni), 121
Sociolog ical Imagination (Mills), xii
Sociolog ical Papers (journal, Britain), 22
Sociolog ical Review (journal, Britain), 20
Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique noir
(Balandier), 36–37
Sociologie de l’Algérie (Bourdieu), 37
Sociologie des Brazzavilles noires (Balandier), 37
Sociologus (journal, German), xivn2
sociology: anthropology and, xivn2,
xvnn7–8, 1, 3, 29–32, 46n6, 49n29,
188–89, 190, 192, 206, 208n6; “colonial
sociology,” 18, 30, 46n5, 136, 140, 156, 159,
336; disciplinary boundaries of, 3– 9, 13,
18; empire and, ix–xvi, 1–50, 189– 90,
489– 92; Eu ropean (general), 86–88;
historical sociology, x, xi, 2–3, 12, 24, 36,
42, 44, 48n19, 104n4, 465, 468, 491;
military involvement and, xiii, xvin13;
natural sciences and, x, xi, 20, 45 (see also
under social sciences); predisciplinary
history of, 8, 47n9; populist sociology
(Russia), 58– 62; postcolonial theory and,
3, 189; on race, 13–14, 16, 50n36, 57, 89,
91– 99, 105n18, 121, 124, 127, 139, 146, 148,
171–82, 185, 343; rural sociology, 132, 154,
494; on the state, 3, 11–12, 24, 17, 27–28,
42–44, 48n19, 465; urban sociology,
xivn2, 370, 291n4. See also individual
universities for speciic departments of
sociology; social sciences; individual
national sociologies (e.g., Germany:
sociology in)
Sociology of Colonies (Maunier), 32
Sociology of Imperialism (journal, AbdelMalek, ed.), ix
Sociology of Religion (Weber), 180, 184
Somalia: as Italian colony, 122, 157, 372;
United States intervention in, 228
Index · 605
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Sombart, Werner, 181–82
Somerville, Margaret: Singing the Coast
(with Perkins), 494
Sorokin, Pitirim, 48n16, 68, 72– 74; 79, 114,
155, 161n7; Crime and Punishment,
Achievement and Reward, 72; sociology of
revolution, 75; System of Sociology, 74– 75
Source Book for Social Origins (homas), 89
Sources of Social Power (Mann), 40–43
Soustelle, Jacques, 32, 49n32
South Africa, 38, 43, 93, 462– 63; AfrikanerBritish conl icts in, 83, 85, 92, 438;
apartheid in, 38, 43, 436, 439–43, 454,
456, 497; “autonomy” in (Clarno),
437–39, 448, 457–58, 461; Bantustan
system, 439–43, 453– 60 (see also
Bantustization); Bophuthatswana, 457;
citizenship in, 441; Department of
Native Afairs, 442; Labor Bureau, 442,
453, 458; Non-Aggression Pacts, 457;
Suppression of Communism Act, 456;
swart gevaar (black peril), 456; Transkei,
457; Transvaal Republic, 85
sovereignty, 2, 9, 11, 27, 36, 43, 109, 182–85,
214–16, 221, 247, 250, 253, 270– 74, 283,
296n4, 306, 308, 377– 79, 393n21, 397, 465;
in French Empire, 321–24, 331; in Italian
Empire, 373, 376, 380, 389; in Palestine
/Israel and South Africa, 436– 64
Soviet Empire, 280, 289: “informal
colonies” of, 282. See also Russian
Empire
Soviet Union, 33–35, 78, 234, 237, 242, 293,
310; censorship in, 82n17; collapse of,
228, 282, 295, 436, 448; forced emigration
in, 79–80; “internal colonies” of, 282;
sociology in, 57, 75– 76, 79. See also
Rus sia
“spaces of exception” (Clarno), 437, 440,
461
Spain: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as
“composite monarchy,” 283; state
formation in, 284. See also SpanishAmerican War, Spanish Empire
Spanish-American War, 92, 95, 97, 103,
105n16, 130, 471
Spanish Empire, 65, 85, 171, 287–88, 291,
297n13, 302, 306– 7, 316, 495
“spectator-sport militarism” (Mann), 237
Spencer, Herbert, 13, 16, 22, 59, 88, 97, 147,
203, 342; Principles of Sociology, 127;
Study of Sociology, 107
Spencer, Walter Baldwin, 194
Spengler, Oswald, 44;Decline of the West, 26
Spirit of Laws (Montesquieu), 204
Srinivas, M. N., 424
Staatswissenschat, 11, 17, 48n19, 402
Stacey, Judith, 491
“staglation,” 217
Stalinism: sociology and, 80
Standard Oil Company, 149
Stanford University, 96, 105n8
state: spatial strategies of, 436– 64;
sociology of, 3 11–12, 24, 17, 27–28,
42–44, 48n19, 465. See also colonial state;
nation-state; Staatswissenschat; state
formation
State Bankruptcy (Zak), 82n17
state formation, 40: in American Philippines, 465–88; in Britain, 284–87; in
British Malaya, 465–88; in Eu rope, 284;
in France, 284–86, 297n9, 297n11; in
Italy, 286; in Germany, 286; in Spain,
285–86
“state of exception” (Schmitt/Agamben),
184–85, 446–47, 497
statistics, as ield, 103, 113–14, 117
Steinmetz, George, 39, 44–45, 186n8, 251,
451, 468– 69, 471, 485, 489
Steinmetz, S. R. (Sebald), 20
Stoler, Ann Laura, 291, 415; “imperial
formation,” 449
Stone, Alfred, 99
St. Petersburg Psycho-Neurological
Institute, 70– 71, 73, 82n12
St. Petersburg University (Russia), 20, 63
Strang, David, 38
Strasbourg, University of, 170
structural adjustment policies, 216, 219–23,
230, 239, 242
structural functionalism, 102, 104
Structure of Social Action (Parsons), 7
Struve, Petr, 72
Study of Sociology (Spencer, H.), 107
Sturzo, don Luigi, 165n34
Suárez, Francisco, 21
606 · Index
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Sudan: China, relations with, 301, 316;
Mahdism in, 401
Sulzbach, Walter, 10, 29
Sumner, William Graham, 18, 86, 100
Sun Yat-sen: hree Principles of the People,
492
“surgical colonialism” (Bergesen), 300–18
(chap. 10), 496– 97
surrealism, 192
Sverdlov Communist University (Soviet
Union), 79
swadeshi movement (India), 362
swart gevaar (black peril, South Africa), 456
Swettenham, Frank, 477, 479
syncretism, 1, 26, 29–32. See also hybridity;
métissage; mimicry; transculturation
Syria: as French colony, 324, 415; United
States relation with, 229
System of Sociology (Sorokin), 74– 75
Tat , William, 476, 481
Taiping Rebellion, 15, 48n16
Taiwan: as Japa nese colony, 85
Taliban: in Afghan istan; in Pakistan, 259,
268
Tamamshev, Mikhail, 70
Tanganyika:as British colony, 30
Tanzania, 225; as Germany colony, 175,
186n10
Tarde, Gabriel, 4, 18, 2, 43, 65, 68; Psychologie economique, 21; Les transformations du
pouvoir, 21; “world state,” 21
Taylor, Charles, 184
Tenet, George, 232, 236–37
“territorial empires” (Mann), 41–43
h atcher, Margaret, 236
hoi Bao (newspaper, French Vietnam),
422, 429
homas, William I., 67, 84, 88–89, 97– 99,
101; Polish Peasant in Europe and America
(with Znaniecki), 89, 104; Source Book for
Social Origins, 89
hompson, Elizabeth, 415
hree Principles of the People (Sun), 492
hurnwald, Richard, ix, xivn2, 1, 4, 19, 19
i g 1.1, 31, 44–45, 49n31
Tilly, Charles, xi, 16, 47n11
Tilly, Virginia, 439
Tirana (Albania): as Italian colonial city,
366, 368, 381–88
Tittoni, Tommaso, 122
Tocqueville, Alexis de, 13, 14; Democracy in
America, 14
Togo: French colonialism in, 324; as
German colony, 175– 77, 186n10
Tolstoi, Aleksei: Prince Serebriannyi, 82n17
Tonga: as British colony, 85
Toniolo, Guiseppe, 165n34
Tonkin: as French colony, 324
Tonkin, Gulf of, 236
Tönnies, Ferdinand, 84, 134, 137, 167
totalitarianism, 44, 101–2; fascist, 150, 156,
392n15; Nazi, 34
“trade overreach” (Bergesen), 313–15
transculturation, 1, 29–30, 45. See also
hybridity; métissage; mimicry;
syncretism
transdisciplinarity, 3
Les transformations du pouvoir (Tarde), 21
Transvaal Republic (South Africa): Boer
War and, 85
Trattato di sociologia generale (Pareto), 107
travel narratives, 193
Treaty of Paris (1815), 418
“triadic” colonialism (Chae): Japa nese
Empire as, 396–414
Tribune indigène (newspaper, French
Vietnam), 422, 429
Tripoli (Libya), 132, 371, 385
Tripolitania (Libya), 132, 154
La Tripolitiana settentrionale e la sua vita
sociale studiate dal vero (Coletti), 132
Triste tropiques (Lévi-Strauss), 30
Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, xv n8
Truman, Harry S., 340
Tsingtao (German colony), 186n8. See also
Qindao
Tunisia: as French colony, 324, 338n2,
339n3; sociology in, 47n10
Turin, University of, 106, 118, 140
Turkey, 222
Turner, Frederick, 163n15
Tuskegee Institute (United States), 177, 179
Twain, Mark: he Prince and the Pauper,
82n17
Tylor, E. B., 209n15
Index · 607
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Uganda: as British protectorate, 85, 107
Ukraine, 60, 70, 74–5
Umvolkung (Mühlmann), 35
underdevelopment, theories of, 35, 44
unesco. See under United Nations
United Kingdom. See Britain; England;
Ireland; Scotland; Wales
United Nations (un), 223, 228, 231, 379; in
“Mideast Quartet,” 445, 454; Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, 282
United Nations, Security Council, 184,
245–47, 250, 254, 264, 267, 272–3;
Chapter VII authority, 254–55;
Counter-Terrorism Committee (ctc),
256–57, 263, 268; Resolution 1373, 255–58,
260– 62, 269; Resolution 1624, 263
United Nations, unesco (United Nations
Educational, Scientiic, and Cultural
Orga nization), 156; Division of Applied
Social Sciences, xivn3, 156
United States: anti-terrorism laws in, 257,
272– 73; assimilation in, 68, 91, 103, 104n5;
China, relations with, 40, 215, 228, 231,
242, 471– 72; ethnology, 97– 98;
immigration in, 81n6, 88–89, 91– 92, 101,
103, 105n9, 169; imperial culture of,
95– 96; Israel, relations with: 215, 229,
234, 241; Jews in, 235; in “Mideast
Quartet,” 445, 454; Pearl Harbor,
bombing of, 235; religion in, 232; Russia,
relations with, 228; social evolutionism
in, 88– 90, 93– 94, 96, 101, 104, 112, 120;
socialism in, 88. See also 9/11; Gulf War;
Korean War; United States (American)
Empire; Vietnam War
United States, government bodies:
centcom (Central Command), 238;
Central Intelligence Agency (cia), 215,
232–34, 242; Commerce Department,
234; Defense Department, xiii; Defense
Policy Board, 236; Joint Chiefs of Staf,
231; Labor Department, 81n6; Oice of
Special Plans, 234; Pentagon, 229,
233–34; Secret Ser vice, 239; State
Department, 233–34, 240, 242; Treasury,
220, 234, 239; USAID (United States
Agency for International Development),
239
United States, political parties: Democratic
Party, 102, 228, 231, 243, 475, 478–82, 485;
Progressive Party, 475–80; Republican
Party, 102, 228, 231–32, 234, 239, 242–43,
475– 76, 478–80, 482, 485
United States, sociology in, 2, 6, 9, 18,
83–86, 118; American imperialism and,
95–101; on assimilation and immigration,
68, 91, 103, 104n5; on empire, 101–4,
105n8; Eu ropean sociology, inluence of,
86–88, 94– 95; military funding, xiii, xvi
n13; on race, 31, 67, 88– 94, 98– 99, 104n5,
105n18. See also United States: social
evolutionism in
United States (American) Empire, xii, 12,
15–16, 18, 21, 33, 39–40, 42–43, 48n15,
84–85, 88, 95–104, 184, 213–44, 282, 295,
296n2, 436, 452, 461
United States Empire, features: assimilation in, 98– 99, 471– 74, 476, 479;
comprador class in, 215, 223; decline of,
312–18; indigenous elites, role of, 39,
465–88; military, role of, 214–15, 227–44,
497; native policy in, 465–88
United States Empire, places: Afghan istan,
230, 237, 250; Ca ribbean, 95; Caucasus,
230; Central America, 95; Cuba, 95,
98– 99; Guam, 95, 315; Hawaii, 95– 98,
214; Iran, 229, 238; Iraq, 47n13, 183–84,
185, 229–31, 233, 236–43, 250, 451–52, 436,
448; Korea (North), 229, 231, 242; Korea
(South), 223; Latin America (region), 40,
217, 227; Lebanon, 242; Mexico, 149–50;
Middle East (region), 217, 228, 230, 238,
243, 315; Native Americans, 214; Panama,
228, 315; Philippines, 39–40, 84–85,
95–100, 103, 214, 315, 465–88, 492; Puerto
Rico, 39–40, 84, 95– 99, 103, 214, 315;
Samoa, 95; Santa Domingo, 98; Saudi
Arabia, 238–39, 242, 315; Somalia, 228;
Syria, 229; Yugoslavia (former), 228–31
Universal Expositions. See World Fairs
Universal Races Congress, 137, 164n23
Università popolare (Palermo), 132
Université nouvelle de Bruxelles, 132, 145
universities, role of, xii–xiii, 18. See also
individual universities by name
L’uomo delinquente (Lombroso), 140, 158
608 · Index
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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urban planning, colonial, 20; in India, 20;
in Italy, 366– 95
urban sociology, xivn2, 370, 291n4
Uruguay, 222
usaid (United States Agency for
International Development), 239
Uspenskii, Gleb, 61– 62
utilitarianism, 194, 347–48, 363nn19–20; in
British India, 346–48;
Uzbekistan, 184, 241
Vaccaro, Michelangelo, 113–4, 132–33, 135,
137; La lotta per l’esistenza, 131
Vadalà-Papale, Giuseppe, 133
Vann, Michael G., 428
Vandervelde, Émile, 68
Vanni, Icilio, 113
Vavilov, Nikolai, 76
Veblen, horstein, 151: “leisure class”
theory, 113
Venezuela: anti-terrorism laws, 257
Verein für Sozialpolitik (Social Policy
Association), 168–87
Versailles, Treaty of, 166, 185
Verstehen, 166
Vico, Giovan Battista (also Giambattista),
112–13, 161n5
Victorian era: periodicals of, 87
Vierkandt, Alfred, 19
Vietnam: anti-terrorism laws in, 257; as
French colony, 325; political parties:
Constitutionalist Party, 422
Vietnam War, 215–18, 234, 236–37
Vincent, George Edgard, 84, 97
violence, colonial, 15, 92, 103, 109, 123, 190,
194, 197– 98, 327, 357, 391n2, 418, 491– 92,
494
Virgilii, Filippo, 133, 164n22
Visvesvaraya, Sir M. (Dewan), 346, 349,
350, 365n33; Planned Economy for India,
342; Reconstructing India, 352–53
Vladivostock (Russia), 61– 62
Volkov, Fyodor, 70
Volney, Constantin-François, 49n22
von Treitschke, Heinrich, 298n14
Wacquant, Löic, 460
Wadiyar, Krishnaraja (IV), 353
Wadiyar, Sri Kantirava Narashimharaja, 349
Wagner, Adolf, 169, 176
Wales: relation to Britain, 283–84, 287
Wallace, Alfred, 472
Wallerstein, Immanuel, 5, 44; on colonial
Africa, ix, 36. See also world system
approaches
Wall Street (United States), 219–20
Walras, Léon, 164n26
Walt, Stephen, 454
Ward, Lester (Frank), 84, 86, 88, 93, 97, 103;
Applied Sociology, 105n9
“war on terror,” 229, 243, 245– 75 (chap. 8),
457, 497
Washington, Booker T., 177, 179
“Washington Consensus,” 220, 301, 306–8,
311, 436, 448, 497
Wax, Murray, xvn8
Weatherly, Ulysses, 89, 98– 99, 104n5
Weber, Alfred, 4, 7–8, 18–20, 26, 31
Weber, Eugen, 285
Weber, Jacques, 418, 433
Weber, Marianne, 179, 182, 186n6
Weber, Max, 4, 6, 17–20, 41, 43, 45, 46n7, 71,
146, 167, 169, 296n1, 297n12, 490; on
African Americans, 177–82; Economy and
Society, 24–26; on Poles in Germany,
172– 74, 178; Protestant Ethic, 180–81;
Psychophysik, 181; on religion, 180–82,
185; on Roman Empire, 24–26; Sociology
of Religion, 180, 183
Webster, Hutton: Primitive Secret Societies,
88
Weekly Standard (magazine, United States),
232–33
Weimar Republic: sociology in, x, 6–8, 28
Westermarck, Edward, 135; Origin and
Development of Moral Ideas, 88
West Indies, 97
West, Max, 99
Westphalia, Treaty of, 24, 294, 450–54
Wheeler, G. C., 13
Wiese, Leopold von, 18
Willoughby, William, 96
Wilson, Woodrow, 96, 102, 138, 281, 294,
479; dealings with Mexico, 149–50
Wisconsin, University of, 96
Wolf, Christian, 21
Index · 609
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
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Wolfowitz, Paul, 229, 232
Wood, Leonard, 480–85
Worcester, Dean C., 96
World Bank, 220–23, 226, 306– 9, 312, 445,
454
World Fairs, 87: Paris (1900), 68, 114; Paris
(1901), 145; St. Louis (1904) 83–85, 95, 97,
105n14, 178
“world state” (Tarde), 21
world system approaches, ix, 35–36, 38, 42,
44, 188, 230, 238, 249–55, 259, 300, 302,
306, 308, 316, 369, 391n4. See also
Wallerstein, Immanuel
World Trade Orga nization (wto), 224–26,
450–51
World War I (WWI), 102–3, 192, 281, 318.
See also Versailles, Treaty of
World War II (WWII), 109, 214–15, 231, 236,
318, 372
World War III (Bergesen), 317–18
Worms, René, 18, 68, 107, 117
Worsley, Peter, ix, xivn2
Wright, Luke, 478
Xinhai Revolution (China), 48n16, 102
Yale University, 96
Young, Arthur, 479
Yugoslavia (former), 228–31, 293
Yukichi, Fukuzawa, 403
Zadari, Asif Ali, 271
Zak, A. N.: State Bankruptcy, 82n17
Zeitschrit für Völkerpsychologie und
Soziologie (journal, Germany), xivn2
Zimbabwe: as British colony, 85
Zionism, 49n27, 454, 460
Znaniecki, Florian: Polish Peasant in Europe
and America (with homas), 89, 104
Zog, King (Ahmet Zogu), 107, 385
“zones of indistinction” (Agamben),
446–47
610 · Index
From Sociology and Empire by Steinmetz, George. DOI: 10.1215/9780822395409
Duke University Press, 2013. All rights reserved. Downloaded 10 Nov 2014 08:36 at 152.13.249.96